Augustin: Letters 256
256 To Benenatus, My Most Blessed Lord, My Esteemed and Amiable Brother and Partner in the Priestly Office, and to the Brethren Who are with Him, Augustin and the Brethren Who are with Him Send Greeting in the Lord.
The maiden1577 about whom your Holiness wrote to me is at present disposed to think, that if she were of full age she would refuse every proposal of marriage. She is, however, so young, that even if she were disposed to marriage, she ought not yet to be either given or betrothed to any one. Besides this, my lord Benenatus, brother revered and beloved, it must be remembered that God takes her under guardianship in His Church with the design of protecting her against wicked men; placing her, therefore, under my care not so as that she can be given by me to whomsoever I might choose, but so as that she cannot be taken away against my will by any person who would be an unsuitable partner. The proposal which you have been pleased mention is one which, if she were disposed and prepared to marry, would not displease me; but whether she will marry any one,—although for my own part, I would much prefer that she carried out what she now talks of,—I do not in the meantime know, for she is at an age in which her declaration that she wishes to be a nun is to be received rather as the flippant utterance of one talking heedlessly, than as the deliberate promise of one making a solemn vow. Moreover, she has an aunt by the mother’s side married to our honourable brother Felix, with whom I have. conferred in regard to this matter,—for I neither could, nor indeed should have avoided consulting him,—and he has not been reluctant to entertain the proposal, but has, on the contrary, expressed his satisfaction; but he expressed not unreasonably his regret that nothing had been written to him on the subject, although his relationship entitled him to be apprised of it. For, perhaps, the mother of the maiden will also come forward, though in the meantime she does not make herself known, and to a mother’s wishes in regard to the giving away of a daughter, nature gives in my opinion the precedence above all others, unless the maiden herself be already old enough to have legitimately a stronger claim to choose for herself what she pleases. I wish your Honour also to understand, that if the final and entire authority in the matter of her marriage were committed to me, and she herself, being of age and willing to marry, were to entrust herself to me under God as my Judge to give her to whomsoever I thought best,—I declare, and I declare the truth, in saying that the proposal which you mention pleases me meanwhile, but because of God being my Judge I cannot pledge myself to reject on her behalf a better offer if it were made; but whether any such proposal shall at any future time be made is wholly uncertain. Your Holiness perceives, therefore, how many important considerations concur to make it impossible for her to be, in the meantime, definitely promised to any One.
To the Eminently Religious Lady and Holy Daughter Sapida, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.
1. The gift prepared by the just and pious industry of your own hands, and kindly presented by you to me, I have accepted, lest I should increase the grief of one who needs, as I perceive, much rather to be comforted by me; especially because you expressed yourself as esteeming it no small consolation to you if I would wear this tunic, which you had made for that holy servant of God your brother, since he, having departed from the land of the dying, is raised above the need of the things which perish in the using. I have, therefore, complied with your desire, and whatever be the kind and degree of consolation which you may feel this to yield, I have not refused it to your affection for your brother.1578 The tunic which you sent I have accordingly accepted, and have already begun to wear it before writing this to you. Be therefore of good cheer; but apply yourself, I beseech you, to far better and far greater consolations, in order that the cloud which, through human weakness, gathers darkness closely round your heart, may be dissipated by the words of divine authority; and, at all times, so live that you may live with your brother, since he has so died that he lives still.
2. It is indeed a cause for tears that your brother, who loved you, and who honoured you especially for your pious life, and your profession as a consecrated virgin, is no more before your eyes, as hitherto, going in and out in the assiduous discharge of his ecclesiastical duties as a deacon. of the church of Carthage, and that you shall no more hear from his lips the honourable testimony which, with kindly, pious, and becoming affection, he was wont to render to the holiness of a sister so dear to him. When these things are pondered, and are regretfully desired1579 with all the vehemence of long-cherished affection, the heart is pierced, and, like blood from; the pierced heart, tears flow apace. But let your heart rise heavenward, and your eyes will cease to weep.1580 The things over the loss of which you mourn have indeed passed away, for they were in their nature temporary, but their loss does not involve the annihilation of that love with which Timotheus loved [his sister] Sapida, and loves her still: it abides in its own treasury, and is hidden with Christ in God. Does the miser lose his gold when he stores it in a secret place? Does he not then become, so far as lies in his power, more confidently assured that the gold is in his possession when he keeps it in some safer hiding-place,where it is hidden even from his eyes? Earthly covetousness believes that it has found a safer guardianship for its loved treasures when it no longer sees them; and shall heavenly love sorrow as if it had lost for ever that which it has only sent before it to the garner of the upper world? O Sapida, give yourself wholly to your high calling, and set your affections1581 on things above, where, at the right hand of God, Christ sitteth, who condescended for us to die, that we, though we were dead, might live, and to secure that no man should fear death as if it were destined to destroy him, and that no one of those for whom the Life died should after death be mourned for as if he had lost life. Take to yourself these and other similar divine consolations, before which human sorrow may blush and flee away.
3. There is nothing in the sorrow of mortals over their dearly beloved dead which merits displeasure; but the sorrow of believers ought not to be prolonged. If, therefore, you have been grieved till now, let this grief suffice, and sorrow not as do the heathen, “who have no hope.”1582 For when the Apostle Paul said this, he did not prohibit sorrow altogether, but only such sorrow as the heathen manifest who have no hope. For even Martha and Mary, pious sisters, and believers, wept for their brother Lazarus, of whom they knew that he would rise again, though they knew not that he was at that time to be restored to life; and the Lord Himself wept for that same Lazarus, whom He was going to bring back from death;1583 wherein doubtless He by His example permitted, though He did not by any precept enjoin, the shedding of tears over the graves even of those regarding whom we believe that they shall rise again to the true life. Nor is it without good reason that Scripture saith in the book of Ecclesiasticus: “Let tears fall down over the dead, and begin to lament as if thou hadst suffered great harm thyself;” but adds, a little further on, this counsel, “and then comfort thyself for thy heaviness. For of heaviness cometh death, and the heaviness of the heart breaketh strength.”1584
4. Your brother, my daughter, is alive as to the soul, is asleep as to the body: “Shall not he who sleeps also rise again from sleep?”1585 God, who has already received his spirit, shall again give back to him his body, which He did not take away to annihilate, but only took aside to restore. There is therefore no reason for protracted sorrow, since there is a much stronger reason for everlasting joy. For even the mortal part of your brother, which has been buried in the earth, shall not be for ever lost to you;—that part in which he was visibly present with you, through which also he addressed you and conversed with you, by which he spoke with a voice not less thoroughly known to your ear than was his countenance when presented to your eyes, so that, wherever the sound of his voice was heard, even though he was not seen, he used to be at once recognised by you. These things are indeed withdrawn so as to be no longer perceived by the senses of the living, that the absence of the dead may make surviving friends mourn for them. But seeing that even the bodies of the dead shall not perish (as not even a hair of the head shall perish),1586 but shall, after being laid aside for a time, be received again never more to be laid aside, but fixed finally in the higher condition of existence into which they shall have been changed, certainly there is more cause for thankfulness in the sure hope for an immeasurable eternity, than for sorrow in the transient experience of a very short span of time. This hope the heathen do not possess, because they know not the Scriptures nor the power of God,1587 who is able to restore what was lost, to quicken what was dead, to renew what has been subjected to corruption, to re-unite things which have been severed from each other, and to preserve thenceforward for evermore what was originally corruptible and shortlived. These things He has promised, who has, by the fulfilment of other promises, given our faith good ground to believe that these also shall be fulfilled. Let your faith often discourse now to you on these things, because your hope shall not be disappointed, though your love may be now for a season interrupted in its exercise; ponder these things; in them find more solid and abundant consolation. For if the fact that I now wear (because he could not) the garment which you had woven for your brother yields some comfort to you, how much more full and satisfactory the comfort which you should find in considering that he for whom this was prepared, and who then did not require an imperishable garment, shall be clothed with incorruption and immortality!
To Nobilius, My Most Blessed and Venerable Brother and Partner in the Priestly Office, Augustin Sends Greeting.
(So important is the solemnity at which your brotherly affection invites me to be present, that my heart’s desire would carry my poor body to you, were it not that infirmity renders this impossible. I might have come if it had not been winter; I might have braved the winter if I had been young: for in the latter case tile warmth of youth would have borne uncomplainingly the cold of the season; in the former case the warmth of summer would have met with gentleness the chili languor of old age. For the present, my lord most blessed, my holy and venerable partner in the priestly office, I cannot undertake in winter so long a journey, carrying with me as I must the frigid feebleness of very many years. I reciprocate the salutation due to your worth, on behalf of my own welfare I ask an interest in gout prayers, and I myself beseech the Lord God to grant that the prosperity of peace may follow the dedication of so great an edifice to His sacred service.1588 parparpar
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343
1 Philosophie de St. Augustin, Preface.
2 Essai sur les Conf. de St. Aug. p.5.
3 Confessions, 10,sec. 4.
1 Hermogenianus was one of the earliest and most intimate friends of Augustin, and his associate in literary and philosophical studies).
2 [Academy was a grove dedicated to the Attic hero Academos, on the banks of the Kephissos near Athens, where Plato taught. Hence it became the name of the Platonic school of philosophy. It had three branches,—the Older, the Middle, and the Younger Academy. The study of Platonism was a preparatory step to the conversion of Augustin in 386.—P. S.]
383 3 We follow the reading “tegendi veri.”
4 [Carneades of Cyrene (B.C. 214–129), the founder of the third Academic school, who came to Rome B.C. 155, went further in the direction of scepticism than Arcesilas, and taught that certain knowledge was impossible. See Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, 1,133, 136 (transl. of Morris).—P. S.]
5 Augustin’s work, De Academicis, b. 3,c. 20).
6 Zenobius was the friend to whom Augustin dedicated his books De Ordine. In book 1,ch. 1 and 2, we have a delightful description of the character of Zenobius).
7 Ut latiné loquar, non esse.
8 The character of Nebridius, and the intimacy of friendship between him and Augustin, may be seen in the Confessions, b. 9,c. 3).
9 Had Augustin been acquainted with the decimal notation, he would not have made this remark to Alypius; for in the decimal scale, when the point is inserted, tractional parts go on diminishing according to the number of cyphers between them and the point (e.g .001), precisely as the integers increase according to the number of cyphers between them and the decimal point (e.g. 100).,—there being no limit to the descending series on the right hand of the decimal point, any more than to the ascending series on the left hand of the same point).
10 Nescio quid.
11 Augustin’s acquaintance with the first principles of optics, and with the properties of reflection possessed by convex, plane, and concave mirrors, was very limited).
12 Wisely resolved).
13 Ineptiam.
384 14 Present infinitive passive of cupere, to desire.
15 Infinitive passive of verbs signifying respectively to “throw” and to “catch.”
16 Phantasia.
17 Quamvis non omnis phantasia cum memoria sit, omnis tamen memoria, sine phantasia esse non possit.
18 Dramatis personae in Terence.
19 Referring to Manichaean notions).
20 Numeri actitantur occulti.
21 Pro ipsius divini juris fide.
22 Daemonibus.
23 See: Letter VII).
24 Text, “deificari” for “aedificari” (?)).
385 25 A liquid praeter invicem faciunt.
26 Species).
27 An sit, quid sit, quale sit.
28 We leave untranslated the words “quae diffirmando sunt otio necessaria,” the text here being evidently corrupt).
29 The phrase used by Nebridius had been “longior quam longissima,” which Augustin here quotes, and afterwards playfully alludes to in sec. 3).
30 The text contains the word “sex” here, which is omitted in the translation. The reading is uncertain.
31 See note on sec. 1).
32 Ratio.
33 Charta.
34 “Mene salis placidi vultum fluctusque quietos Ignorare jubes?”—Aen.v. 848, 849).
35 Deus.
386 36 “Inque Deûm templis jurabit Roma per umbras,” Lucan, Pharsalia, 7,459.
37 Virg). Eclog. 2,65: “Trahit sua quemque voluptas.”
38 Virg). Aeneid, 7,302: “Et nos et tua dexter adi pede sacra secundo.”
39 “Trahit sua quemque voluptas.”
40 “Primus ab aethereo venit Saturnis OlympoArma Jovis fugiens et regnis exsul ademptis.” Aen.viii. 319, 320.
41 We give the original of this important sentence: “Scias a Christianis catholicis (quorum in vestro oppido etiam ecclesia constituta est) nullum coli mortuorum, nihi denique ut numen adorari quod sit factum et conditum a Deo, sed unum ipsum Deum qui fecit et condidit omnia.”
42 The sense here obviously requires “vestri” instead of “ nostri.” which is in the text).
43 Infirmiori vasi tuo.
44 [A most noble sentence, which contains, as in a nutshell, a whole system of pastoral theology.—P.S.]
45 They thought Augustin was disappointed at being made only presbyter and not colleague of Valerius as bishop. See Possidius, Aug. Vita, c. 4).
46 We adopt the conjectural reading “conciliorum.” Compare sec. 4, p. 240.
387 47 (Rm 13,13, 14).
48 1Co 5,II.
49 Manifestly the correct punctuation here is: Haec si primaAfrica tentaret auferre, a caeteris terris imitatione digna esse deberet.
50 (Ga 6,1 Ga 6,
51 Magis monendo quam minando.
52 One may see in: Letter XXIX. how admirably Augustin illustrated in his own practice the directions here given.
53 “De contentione et dolo” is Augustin’s translation of the words in Rm xiii.; 13).
54 1Tm iv,12).
55 (Ga 1,10).
56 (Ps 52,6), Sept).
57 Gal 5,13.
388 58 (Ps 49,12, version of the LXX).
59 Disiciplina.
60 Absidae gradatae.
61 Cathedrae velatae).
62 (Jn 19,24).
63 Evacuaretur).
64 (Ex iv 24, 25. Augustin believes that the angel sought to slay, not Moses, but the child, for which he gives reasons in his Quaestiones in Exodum. See Rosenmüller, Scholia.
65 (Jn 4,22).
66 (Jn 4,14).
67 (Ac 3,7 and 4,22).
68 (Mt 2,16).
389 69 Licentius, son of Romanianus, had been a pupil of Augustin when he was in retirement at Cassiacum. In this letter and in the next we see proofs of Augustin’s pious solicitude for his welfare).
70 Extract from a long poem, by Licentius, forming § 3 of the text).
71 (Jn vii 37).
72 (Mt 11,28–30).
73 Compare end of sec. 3 in: Letter xxv. p. 246).
74 Therasia).
75 Romanianus. See De Religione, ch. 7,n. 12).
76 Alypius).
77 (Ps xxxvi 10.
78 (1Co 13,12 1Co 13,
79 The reference is to Ps 141,5, the words of which translated from the LXX. version, are given in full in the succeeding letter).
390 80 This may approximate to a translation of the three titles in the original, “Germanitas, Beatitudo, Humanitas tua.”
81 [The letters to Jerome, and Jerome’s replies, are among the most interesting and important in this correspondence, especially those parts which relate to Jerome’s revision of the Latin version of the Bible, and his interpretation of Ga 2,11–14. See Letters 40, 71, 72, 73, 75, 81, 82, 172, 195, 202. Augustin was inferior to Jerome in learning, especially as a linguist, but superior in Christian temper and humility. Jerome’s false interpretation of the dispute between Paul and Peter at Antioch, which involved both apostles in hypocrisy, offended Augustin’s keener sense of veracity. He here protests against it in this letter (ch. 3,), and again in: Letter 40, and thereby provokes Jerome’s irritable temper. His last letters to Augustin, however, show sincere esteem and affection.—P. S.]
82 Officiiosum mendacium).
83 (Ga 2,11–14).
84 (1Tm 4,3).
85 Cor. 7,10–16.
86 (1Co 15,14, 15).
87 Aliquaa officiose mentiri.
88 (Ps 141,5, translated from the Septuagint).
89 Leontius was Bishop of Hippo in the latter part of the second century. He built a church which was called after him, and in which some of the sermons of Augustin were delivered).
90 (Mt 7,6 Mt 7,
391 91 (Mt 21,12).
92 (Ex 32,6 Ex 32,
93 2 Cor 3,3.
94 (1Co 5,11 1Co 5,
95 (1Co 6,9–11).
96 (1Co 11,20–22).
97 (Mt 7,16).
98 (Ga 5,19–21).
99 (Ga 5,22, 23).
100 Imperatâ oratione.
101 (Ps lxxxix. 30–33).
392 102 Exhedra).
103 (1P 4,1–3).
104 (Ph 3,19 Ph 3,2
105 (1Co 6,13 1Co 6,
106 Psaillente).
107 A magistrate who was also charged with the affairs pertaining to the protection of religion. The title belonged primarily to those who in the province of Asia had charge of the games.—Codex Theodosianus, 15,9).
108 Charitas).
109 Letter XXX. p. 257).
110 (Mt 11,30).
111 Paulinus was then at Nola, having gone thither from Barcelona in A.D. 393 or 394. He became Bishop ot Nola in 409).
112 Nobilitate siccitatis).
113 This refers to the voluntary poverty which Paulinus and Therasia, though of high rank and great wealth, embraced, selling all that they had in order to give to the poor).
393 114 (Mt 5,16).
115 (Mt 19,27).
116 (Lc 18,22, 23).
117 Beatissimi papae).
118 These books of Ambrose are lost).
119 Antistes).
120 See Ps 12,7).
121 (1Jn 14,27).
122 (Ps 141,5 Ps 141,
123 (Is 3,12, according to the LXX. version).
124 Crevit caput).
394 125 (Jn 14,6).
126 Corona.
127 During Lent and the Easter holidays).
128 Tit 1,9–13.
129 Constantina, a chief city of Numidia).
130 Turris, a town in Numidia).
131 Aceessus indisciplinatus sanctimonialium).
132 (2Tm 4,2 and Tt 1,9–11).
133 Sabbato.
134 We give the ipsissima verba of this canon: “In his enim rebus de quibus nihil certi statuit Scriptura divina mos populi Dei vel instituta majorum pro lege tenenda sunt.”
135 In the text the name is Urbicus, from Urbs Roma).
395 136 (Mt 12,8–12).
137 (Mt 9,15).
138 (Qo 3,4).
139 (Nb 15,35).
140 (Mt ix 15).
141 (Lc 18,11,12.
142 (Mt 5,21).
143 (Rm 14,3).
144 (1Co 8,8).
145 (Rm 14,20).
146 (Mt 11,19).
147 (Si 3,1).
396 148 Priscillian, Bishop of Avila in Spain, adopted Gnostic and Manichaean errors and practices. He was condemned by the Synod of Saragossa in 381 A.D., and beheaded, along with his principal followers, by order of Maximus in 385 A.D.
149 (Ac 20,7).
150 (Ac 20,11).
151 “Prima Sabbati a Matthaeo, a caetetis autem tribus una Sabbati dicitur.” Mt 28,1; Mc 16,2; Luke xxiv. 1; Jn 20,1).
152 (Ac 27,33).
153 Commonly called quarta feria).
154 (Mt 26,2).
155 (Mt 26,3, 4).
156 (Mt 26,17).
157 (Ps 35,13).
158 (Ps 45,13, 14.
397 159 (Is 26,20).
160 (Ps 45,13 Ps 45,
161 Simplicianus succeeded Ambrose in the see of Milan in 397 A.D. This letter is the preface to the two books addressed to Simplicianus, and contained in vol. 6,of the Benedictine edition of Augstin).
162 (Gn 1,3, 4).
163 Rhagas vel exochas).
164 Megalius, Bishop of Calama and Primate of Numidia, by whom two years before Augustin had been ordained Bishop of Hippo. The reflections upon anger which follow the allusion here to the death of Megalius were probably suggested by the remembrance of an incident in the life of that bishop. While Augustin was a presbyter, Megalius had written in anger a letter to him for which he afterwards apologized, formally retracting calumny which it contained).
165 (Mt 6,6).
166 (Ep 4,26).
167 [Papa.]
168 (Jn 16,33).
169 [Velut officiosa mendacia.]
398 170 (Ga 1,20).
171 (Ga 2,14).
172 [Obolis meis.]
173 (1Co 9,20).
174 (Ga 2,14).
175 (Rm x 3).
176 (2M 7,1 2M 7,
177 (Ph 3,8 Ph 3,
178 (1Co 9,22 1Co 9,
179 (2Co 11,29 2Co 11,
180 The reference here is to the story of the poet Stesichorus, who, having lost his sight as a judgment for writing an attack on Helen,was miraculously healed when he wrote a poem in retractation.
181 [Epist. XXVIII.]
399 182 See: Letter XXVIII. sec. 5).
183 (Ps 126,1).
184 (Mt 5,16).
185 (Ps cxxii. 1).
186 (1Co 9,13).
187 (Ps 94,19 Ps 94,
188 On this work of Tychonius, see Augustin, De Doctrina Christiana, b. iii., in which these seven keys for the opening of Scripture are stated and examined).
189 See Epistle XXXI. p. 258).
190 (Tt 3,10, 11).
191 (1Th 3,12 1Th 3,
192 (2Tm 2,25, 26.
193 (Mt 5,9).
400 194 Tubursi, a town recently identified’ half-way between Calama and Madaura).
195 They asked judges from Gaul, as a country in which none had been guilty of surrendering the sacred books under pressure of persecution. The bishops appointed were Maternus of Agrippina, Rheticius of Augustodunum, and Marinus of Arles. They were sent to Rome with fifteen Italian bishops; Melchiades, Bishop of Rome, presided in their meeting in A.D. 313, and acquitted Caecilianus).
196 “In qua semper apostolicae cathedrae viguit principatus.” The use in the translalion of the indefinite article, “an apostolic chair,” is vindicated by the language of Augustin in sec 26 of this letter regarding Carthage, and by the words in: Letter CCXXXII. sec. 3: “Christianae societatis quae per sedes apostolorum et successiones episcoporum certa per orbem propagatione diffunditur.”
197 (Rm 2,1).
198 (Si 11,7).
199 Ungulae, mentioned in Codex Justinianus. 9,18. 7).
200 Ordained by the Donatists bishop of Carthage in room of Caecilianus).
201 (Mt xiii.29.
202 Augustin translates eVbavstasa" (E. V. “hast 1aboured”) by “sustinuisti eos”—“hast tolerated them;” and upon this his argument turns).
203 (Ap 2,1–3).
204 (Ap 2,4, 5).
205 Christum Domini.
206 (Ep 4,3 Ep 4,
207 Augustin holds that Judas was present at the institution of the Lord’s Supper. See: Letter XLIV. sec. 10, p. 288.
208 (Ex 32,27, 28.
209 (Nb 16,31, 35.
210 (Ps ii.7,8.
211 The original has a play on the words Lucillam and Lucem).
212 A deacon in the Donatist communion at Carthage. This matter is more fully gone into by Augustin in his second sermon on Ps 36,
213 Formatae).
214 (Mt 7,15, 16).
215 (Mt 5,10).
216 Macarius was sent in a.d. 348 by the Emperor Constans to Africa, to exhort all to cherish the unity of the Catholic Church, and at the same time to collect for the relief of the poor. The vehement opposition with which the Donatists met him led to conflicts and bloodshed, the Donatists claiming the honour of martyrdom for all of their party who fell in fighting with the imperial soldiers).
217 (1R 18,40 1R 18,
218 Qui novit cui etiam prosit occidi).
219 Let. XLIII. pp. 283, 284).
220 (Mt 26,20–28).
221 (Jn 4,1, 2).
222 (Jn 3,29).
223 (Jn 13,10).
224 (Ep 4,2, 3).
225 (Ez 18,4 Ez 18,
226 The Caelicolae are mentioned in some laws of Honorius as heretics whose heresy, if they refused to abandon it, involved them in civil penalties).
227 (Dt 32,7 Dt 32,
228 (1Co 10,28).
229 (Mt 5 Mt 39).
230 Balneis vel thermis.).
231 The Benedictine Fathers translate this, in their note, sitz-bath).
232 (Gn 31,53).
233 (Gn 26,31).
234 (Jg 6,26).
235 (Jos 6,19).
236 (Dt 7,26).
237 (Mt 5,34, 36).
238 (Dt 7,25,26.
404 239 (Ps 24,1 1Co 10,25, 1Co 26 and 1Tm 4,4 1Tm 4,
240 For Augstin’s mature view on this subject, see his work). De Libero Arbitrio, 1,5. 13: “That it is wrong to shed the blood of our fellow-men in defence of those things which ought to be despised by us.”
241 Matt.v.39).
242 (Ac xxiii 17–24).
243 The monastery of these brethren was in the island of Capraria—the same, I suppose, with Caprera—now so widely famous as Garibaldi’s home.
244 (1Co 12,26 1Co 12,
245 (Mt 5,41 Mt 5,
246 (Ps lxxix. 11.
247 (Ps 25,9 Ps 25,
248 (Dt 17,11).
249 (Ps 57,1 and 94,15.
405 250 (Ep 4,32 Ep 4,
251 (1Co 9,27 1Co 9,
252 (Ep 6,16 Ep 6,
253 (Ep 5,19 Ep 5,
254 (1Co 10,31 1Co 10,
255 (1Co 12,11 1Co 12,
256 (Rm 12,11 Rm 12,
257 (Ps 34,2 Ps 34,
258 (Ps 25,15 Ps 25,
259 (Ph 4,9 Ph 4,
260 Cilicium, the garment of goats’ hair worn by the brethren. These were the staple article of manufacture in Caprera, “the goat island.”
261 This letter is found only in the Vatican Ms. On this ground, and because of its tone and style, its composition has been ascribed to another hand than Augustin’s. The reader may judge for himself. The sixty Christians of Suffectum (a town in the territory of Tunis), whose death is here mentioned, are commemorated in the martyrology of the Roman Catholic Church. Their day in the Calendar is Aug. 30.
262 Singulis nummis.
263 (Jr 36,23 Jr 36,
264 (Nb 16,31–35.
265 Dominici libri.
266 Felicianus and Praetextatus were two of the twelve bishops by whom Maximianus was ordained. They were condemned by the Donatist Council of Bagae; but finding it impossible to eject them from their sees, the Donatists yielded after a time, and restored them to their office. See: Letter LIII. p. 299).
267 (Ps 22,27 Ps 22,
268 (Jn 1,33).
269 We conjecture this to be the meaning of the elliptical expression EUTUCWS with which the letter ends).
270 “Ordo.” The phrase is afterwards given (sec. 2) more fully, “ordo episcoporum sibi succcdentium.”
271 Gal.i. 8).
407 272 (Mt 24,14 Mt 24,
273 (Ga 3,16 Ga 3,
274 Totius Ecclesiae figuram gerenti.
275 (Mt 16,18).
276 (Mt 23,3).
277 Compare the allusion to the same custom in: Letter XLIII. sec. 21, p. 155).
278 Capitulata.
279 (Mt 13,30).
280 Num 16,31–33).
281 (2Co 11,13–15).
282 (2Tm 2,24–26).
408 283 Mattt. 11,30.
284 Compare: Letter XXXVI. sec. 32, p. 270).
285 (1Co 11,29).
286 Agere paenitentiam.
287 (Lc 19,6).
288 (Mt 8,8).
289 In his Retractations, b. 2,ch. xx., Augustin remarks on this statement: “I do not recollect any passage by which it could be substantiated, except from the book of Wisdom (ch. 16,21), which the Jews do not admit to be of canonical authority.” He says, in the same place, that this peculiarity of the manna must have been enjoyed only by the pious in Israel, not by the murmurers who said, “Our soul loatheth this light bread” (Nb 21,5)).
290 (Lc 22,20).
291 Manducare.
292 (1Co 11,20).
293 (1Co 11,33, 34.
409 294 “Ante” is the reading of seven Mss. The Benedictine edition gives “post” in the text. We think the former gives better sense).
295 Sancte accipiendum).
296 Pascha.
297 (Rm 4,25).
298 Had Augustin not been obliged to take his Hebrew at second hand, he might have seen that the word j,P
does not bear out his interpretation. Ex xii. 13, 27
299 (Jn 5,24 Jn 5,
300 Transiret.
301 (Jn 13,1 Jn 13,
302 (Ga 5,6 Ga 5,
303 (Ha 2,4 Ha 2,
410 304 (Rm 8,24, 25.
305 (Col 2,12 and Rm 6,4 Rm 6,
306 (Rm 6,6 Rm 6,
307 (Ep 2,6 Ep 2,
308 (Col 3,1, 2.
309 (Col 3,3, 4.
310 (1Co 15,53 1Co 15,
311 (Rm 8,23,24, 10, 11.
312 (Col 1,18 Col 1,
313 (2Tm 2,17 2Tm 2,
314 (Rm 12,12 Rm 12,
315 (2Co 4,16
411 316 (Col 3,9, 10.
317 (1Co 5,7).
318 (Ex 23,15).
319 Sacramentum.
320 Sacramentum.
321 (Jr 9,24).
322 Mundus.
323 Cloacis.
324 (Sg 13,9).
325 (Si 27,12).
326 (Sg 5,6).
412 327 (Mt 5,45).
328 (Ps 10,3, as rendered by Aug.
329 (Sg 5,3, 4).
330 (Ps 11,3, in the LXX. version, tou`" katatoxeu`sai ejn skotomhnh touV" euVqei`" th` kardia/.
331 (Col 3,4).
332 Ver. 39).
333 (Ps 72,7, Septuagint version).
334 (1Co 15,26, 53, 54).
335 (Rm 1,25 Rm 1,
336 (Jn 1,29 Jn 1,
337 (Ez 43,19).
338 (Ap 5,5).
413 339 (1Co 10,4).
340 Pet. 2,4).
341 (Mt 10,16).
342 (Ga 4,1l).
343 (Gn 1,14).
344 Primam stolam.
345 (Gn 2,3).
346 (Jc 4,6).
347 (Ps 37,4).
348 Augustin interprets the “love of God” here as meaning our love to Him, and equivalent to delighting in Him).
349 Rom.v. 5).
Augustin: Letters 256