Gregory 20180

Epistle LXXX. To the Clergy and Nobles of Corsica.

20180 Gregory to the Clergy, &c. . . . A paribus97 .Although for a long time it has caused you no sorrow that the Church of God should be without a pontiff, yet as for us, we are both compelled by the charge of the office we bear and bound especially by the charity of our love for you, to take thought for its government, knowing that in its supervision lies at the same time advantage to your souls. For, if the care of a shepherd be wanting to a flock, it easily falls into the snares of the lier in wait. Accordingly, inasmuch as the church of Saona has long been deprived of the aid of a priest, we have held it necessary to constitute Martinus, our brother and fellow-bishop, cardinal priest of the same98 , but to enjoin on Leo our brother and fellow-bishop the work of its visitation. To the latter we have also granted licence to ordain presbyters and deacons in it and in its parishes, and have permitted him to make use of its property so long as be shall be there, as though he were its proper pontiff. And so we admonish you by these present writings that your Charity receive the aforesaid visitor with all devotion, and shew him obedience in whatever is reasonable, as becomes sons of the Church, to the end that, supported by your devotion, he may be able to accomplish all that is found to conduce to the advantage of the above-named church).


1 “Sanctus Gregorius primus omnium se principio epistolarum suarum servum servorum. Dei satis humiliter definivit.” (Joan Diac. in Vit, S. Greg. 50,2,c. 1). The designation, however, had been used by others before him, as by Pope Damasus (Ep. IV. ad Stephanum et Africoe Episcopus), and Augustine ( Vitalem). Gregory may have been the first to use it habitually. It is true that in the Registrum Epistolarum we find it four times only, viz., in the headings of Epistles I. 1, I. 36, VI. 51, XIII. 1. But it may have been omitted in the copies of his letters preserved at Rome. This is probable from the fact that it occurs in the letters relating to the English Mission as given by Bede, though absent from the same letters in the Registrum.
2 The population of Rome had long been greatly dependent on Sicily for the supply of corn, which it was the duty of the proetor to purchase and transmit to Rome. Famine might result from failure of this supply. Hence what is said further on tbe subject in this Epistle. Cf. “Neminem vestrum proeterit, judices omnem utilitatem opportunitatemque provincioe Sicilioe quoe ad commoda populi Romani adjuncta sit consistere in re frumentaria maxime. Nam coeteris rebus adjuvamur ex illa provincia, hac vero alimur et sustinemur.”(Cicero in Verrem, Act II. lib. 3, c. 5).
3 For notice of him, see III. 53, note.
4 In English Bible, ixix. 2.
5 Ibid. 40,12.
6 In English Bible, 73,18.
7 Ibid. 37,20.
8 Ibid. lxxxiii. 13.
9 There are other letters from Gregory to this Narses, viz. 4,32, 6,14, and perhaps 7,30. He may have been the same as the Narses who was a famous general of the Emperor Maurice, and who was eventually burnt alive by Phocas. (Theoph., Sim. V).
10 The animal called bouvbalo" is described by Pliny (l. 8, c. 15) as “animal ferum in Africa, vitulo ac cervo simile.” The reference in the text is to Am 6,12, where the Vulgate has, “Numquid currere queunt in petris equi, aut arari potest in bubalis?” The clause in the epistle, “ut in agro Dominico cum bubalis arares,” appears to be a quotation from a previous letter of Gregory’s, in which be may have announced his election to Narses.
11 The whole passage is rather obscure to us, not having before us the letter from Narses, which is replied to, or the previous ones from Gregory to which Narses had referred. The drift seems to be as follows. Gregory, in his former letter, had compared his being elected pope to a bubalis being set to plough in the Lord’s field. Narses had replied to the effect that even if he were a bubalus, he was not therefore unfit, since bubali, with other wild beasts, had been in St. Peter’s sheet, and pronounced clean. To this Gregory now rejoins, “Yes; but those beasts were to be slain before they might be eaten; and so you must first slay me, per compuctionem-i.e. by so pricking me with ‘the sword of your mouth0’ as to induce me to comply-before you may eat me per obedientiam-i.e. make use of me in the way you wish through my obedience to your desire. Not being thus so far slain, I have a right to protest against being made pope against my will.”
12 Honoratus was at this time Gregory’s apocrisiarius at Constantinople. We find several letters addressed to him in this capacity, but none throwing light on the case here referred to.
13 Theodorus was the court Physician at Constantinople, to whom Epistles III. 66, IV. 31, VII. 28, are addressed.
14 Anastasius had been threatened with deposition and exile (a.d. 563) by the Emperor Justinian, and the sentence had been carried into effect (a.d. 570) by Justinian’s successor, Justin II. Notwithstanding this, Gregory after his own accession acknowledged him as the true patriarch of Antioch; and, probably owing to his intercession with the Emperor Maurice, Anastasius wes restored to his patriarchal See on the death of Gregory, who had been intruded into it, a.d. 593. Other Epistles to, or concerning this Anastasius are I. 25, 26, 28; V. 39; VII. 27, 33; VIII. 2.
15 In English Bible, 119,107.
16 Ibib. 69,2.
17 For the results of this order, see below, Ep. 35. For other instances of Gregory’s tolerant attitude towards Jews, and his deprecation of force being used for their conversion, see that Epistle, and also I. 47; IX. 6. But he is strict in prohibiting their possession of slaves who were already, or might become, Christians, and will allow them no compensation for the loss of such (cf. 3,38: IV. 9, 21: IX. 109, 110).
18 Another Epistle, X. 15, is addressed to the same lady.
19 The word conversio commonly denotes entering a monastery.
20 Vicedominum.
21 The bishops of Istria, of whom the bishop Aquilea was Metropolitan, still refused to accept the decree of the fifth (Ecumenical Council, which had, under the dictation of the Emperor Justinian, condemned certain writings of three deceased prelates, Theodore of Mopsuesta, Theodoret and Ibas, called “the three chapters” (tria capitula). Severus the Metropolitan, summoned in this letter with his suffragans to Rome, disregarded the summons, going instead, at the instance of the Exarch Smaragdus, to Ravenna, where he remained a year. On his return to his See he still held out, though many of his bishops conformed. A schism hence ensued in Istria, which continued during the life of Gregory (Joan. Diac). Vit. S. Greg. 4,37, 38). Other Epistles referring to the Istrian schism are II. 46, 51; V. 51; IX. 9, 10; XIII. 33.
22 Autharit (al). Autharith, called by Paul. Diac). Authari). who died at Pavia in this year (a.d. 591) had been king of the Lombards for six years, having effected extensive conquests in Italy. “Rex Authari apud Ticinum Nonas Septembris veneno, ut tradunt, accepto moritur, postquam sex regnaverat annos.” (Paul. Diac. de gestis Longob. 3,36). It is he who is said to have advanced to Rhegium at the toe of Italy. And there, riding up to a pillar in the sea, to have touched it with the point of his spear, and said, “As far as this shall the boundaries of the Lombards extend.” (Paul. Diac. iii. 33). He had been a determined Arian. He was succeeded by Agilulph, whom his widow Theodelinda, a Catholic Bavarian princess, selected as her consort. With her Gregory carried on a very friendly correspondence and probably through her influence, Agilulph himself, originally an Arian is said to have been converted to Catholicity. Gregory’s letters to Theodelinda are IV. 4, 38; IX. 43; XIV. 12.
23 Salona was the metropolis of the province Dalmatia in Western Illyricum. The misdoings of its bishop, Natalis, gave rise to a lengthy correspondence. See, in addition to this letter, I. 20; II. 18, 19, 20 52; III. 8, 32. He had, as appears from this letter and other, desired to get rid of his archdeacon Honoratus having apparently some grudge against him, and with this a few would have ordained him priest against his will, none but deacons being then capable of holding the office of archdeacon. He was accused also of addiction to unbecoming conviviality, an of neglecting his episcopal duties. Eventually, after continued contumacy, he appears to have satisfied Gregory in the matter of Honoratus, and also to have reformed his own habits of life, after writing what appears from Gregory’s reply to it to have been a racy letter in defence of conviviality, which was taken in good part and replied to in a Good-humoured vein (II. 52). Gregory subsequently said of him, “I was at one time much distressed concerning our brother and fellow bishop Natalis, having experiencedproud behaviour from him. But since he has himself corrected his manners, he has overcome me, and comforted my sadness” (II. 46).
24 Cimelia, from Gr). keimhvlia.
25 This appears to have been the formal answer to the officialletter sent by the bishop of Salona to Gregory, congratulating him on his accession to the popedom, having no connexion with, and perhaps written before, the preceding Epistle XIX.
26 A paribus denotes that the Epistle is a copy of an identical one that has been sent to more than one person, exemplis, being perhaps understood. Cf. I. 80; VI. 52, 54, 58; IX. 60, 106.
27 What is here printed between inverted commas, with much of what has come before, occurs also in Regula Pastoralis, II. 1. So also long passages afterwards, as will be seen.
28 The Benedictine Editors adopt the reading patribus instead of fratribus. But the sense seems to require the latter.
29 See Ep. 7, note 1.
30 Keys of St. Peter’s sepulchre, in which had been inserted filings from his alleged chains preserved at Rome, were often sent by Gregory to distinguished friends (cf. III. 48; VI. 6; VII. 26; VIII. 35; IX. 122; XI. 66), to be hung round the neck (VI. 6) or deposited (XI. 66), or used for healing. For an account of how the filings were obtained, see IV. 30. In one instance the key is described as being of gold (VII. 26). To Eulogius of Alexandria is sent a small cross containing filings from the chains, to be applied to his sore eyes.
31 See Ep. 7, note 1.
32 I.e. Secretary. "Scriptor idem est et cancellarius . . . quod rescribit literis missis ad dominum suum.’ Du Cange.
33 Al. Orta, in Tuscia.
34 This alleged consequence of the bishop’s absence from his See does not imply that he alone could administer baptism, but only that his authorization was required for its administration. See Bingham, Bk. II. ch. 3,Sect. 3, 4, and references there given: e.g. Ignat). Ep. ad Smyrn. n. viii., “It is not lawful either to baptize or celebrate the Eucharist without the bishop; but that which he allows is well-pleasing to God:” Hieron). Dialog. c. Lucifer, p. 139, “Thence it comes that, without the order of the bishop neither presbyter nor deacon has the right of baptizing;” Can. Apost. c. xxxviii., “Let the presbyters, and deacons execute no office without the knowledge of the bishop; for it is to him that the Lord’s people are committed, and he must give an account of their souls.” It was usual in episcopal cities to have only one baptistery, connected with the bishop’s church; and these all would be baptized, if not by the bishop himself (who was accounted the chief minister of baptism). yet under his direction and superintendence. Cf. Bingham, Bk. VIII., ch. 7,, Sect. 6: Bk. XI., ch. 7,. Sect. 12, 13.
35 The relations of Gregory to this Venantius are interesting; other letters throwing light on them being III. 60; VI. 43, 44; IX. 123; XI. 30, 35, 36, 78. Venantius was a patrician, resident in Sicily, who, having become a monk, had discovered that he had mistaken his vocation and returned to secular life. In the letter before us he is kindly, but very earnestly, written to, in the hope of inducing him to retrace a step which, from Gregory’s point of view, was so dangerous to his friend’s soul. But the remonstrance was in vain. Venantius appears, from an allusion in the letter to have been associated with a literary set of friends who took a view of the purpose of life not in accordance with the monastic theory: and other motives may have disposed him to listen to their advice, since we find him afterwards married to a lady called Italica. She appears to have been, like Venantius of patrician rank, and resident in Sicily and to have possessed property there; for see III. 60, an epistle addressed to “Italica Patricia,” remonstrating with her for her alleged harsh treatment of certain poor people, who were under the protection of the Church. It appears from this letter that Gregory had known her previously, and it is observable that he makes allusion to her personal charms (pulchritudo in superficie corporis). There being no allusion in this letter to any hushand, it cannot be concluded that she was, at the time when it was written, married to Venantius: but we may reasonably suppose her to have been the same Italica who was subsequently addressed as his wife, for see IX. 123, “Domno Venantio patricio et Italicoe jugalibus.” The marriage may possibly have taken place soon after Gregory’s first letter to Venantius, which, if the date assigned be correct, was written in the 9th Indiction (a.d. 590-l). It cannot well have been much later, since in the 4th Indiction i.e.a.d.600–1 (still supposing the assigned dates correct) there were two girls, the issue of the marriage, who were also written to by Gregory after their father’s death, and seem then to have been already old enough to be betrothed. See XI. 35, 36, 78. At some time subsequent to his marriage we find a letter of serious admonition addressed to Venantius (VI. 43), who had quarrelled with his bishop on some matters of business, and acted violently. But, notwithstanding all such causes for displeasure, Gregory continued on terms of cordial friendship with the married couple, and took a warm interest in their children. Having heard of Venantius being dangerously ill, he wrote a letter of sympathy, addressed to him and his wife jointly, and at the end sent greetings to his “most sweet daughters, the lady Barbara and the lady Antonina.” (IX. 123). Subsequently, when Venantius was suffering from gout, he addressed him earnestly, but kindly; and, when he was on his death-bed, and the inheritance of the daughter was in jeopardy owing to certain claims made by certain persons on their father’s estate, he wrote a short kind letter to the little ladies, bidding them keep up their spirits so as to comfort their father assuring them that he himself would protect them after their father’s death, and speaking of the debt of gratitude he owed for the goodness to himself of both their parents. The mother not being written to, or alluded to as alive, may be supposed to have died previously. At the same time he wrote to John, bishop of Syracuse (the same bishop with whom Venantius had been once for a time at variance), urging him to do what he could to induce Venantius, even in his last moments, to resume the monastic habit for the safety of his soul and no less urgently charging him to take up the cause of the orphan girls. Lastly (XI. 87), the girls are once more addressed by Gregory in a kind letter, from which it seems, that, young as they must have been, marriage was already in contemplation for them, and in which he expresses his hope of seeing them at Rome. The correspondence thus summarised is peculiarly interesting, as shewing both Gregory’s strong sense of the sin and danger to the soul of returning to the world from the monastic life, and also the continuance of his friendship and affection to one who had thus sinned, and the interest he could still take in his domestic happiness and the welfare of his family.
36 Seneca, Epist. 3: “Tu omnia cum amico delibera, sed de ipso prius. Post amicitiam credendum est; ante amicitiam judicandum.”
37 As to the rectores patrimonii, see Proleg. p. 7,
38 Titulum imponere seems to have meant originally setting up a scroll or tablet on a property to assert a title to it; it might be in some cases with a view to sale, letting, or to confiscation.
39 I.e. the Proetor of Sicily.
40 Natalem, i.e. birthday; denoting usually, in the case of a dignitary, the day of his inauguration; and, in the case of a deceased saint, the day of his death.
41 Natalem, i.e. birthday; denoting usually, in the case of a dignitary, the day of his inauguration; and, in the case of a deceased saint, the day of his death.
42 (He was the subdeacon who had charge of the patrimony in Campania, as appears from other letters to him (see (Index of Epistles).
43 Rector patrimonii and defensor in Campania. See above Ep. 39.
44 In Campania, hodie Sorrento.
45 Gregory made the acquantance of Leander, bishop of the Metropolitan See of Hispalis (Seville)in Spain, during his residence at Constantinople. It was at the instigation of Leander together with the request of the monks who had followed him from his Roman Monastery to Constantinople, that he had begun when there, to expound the book of Jb The earlier part of his “Moralium libri, sive Exposido in librum B. Job.” had been delivered in oral discourses at Constantinople, but afterwards revised, arranged, and completed in thirty-five books. The whole when finished, was addressed to Leander. All this appears from the “Epistola Missoria” prefixed to the completed treatise. Gregory evidently had a peculiar affection for Leander. Other epistles addressed to him are V. 49, and IX. 121. He is spoken of also in the Dialogues of Gregory. Lib. III. cap. 31, being there referred to as “dudum mihi in amicitiis familiariter junctus.”
46 Reccared, the Visigoth King in Spain, had declared himself a Catholica.d.587 and formally renounced Arianism and adopted the Catholic Creed at the Council of Toledo,a.d.589. The date of the letter before us, if rightly placed, isa.d.591.
47 Rusticos ecclesioe;i.e. the native cultivater of the land, called elsewhere coloni, and by Cicero (In Verrem),aratores. See Proleg.
48 It appears from Cicero that, when the Romans annexed Sicily, they found the greater part of the land subject by ancient custom to a tithe of the corn and other produce, and that such tithe continued to be enacted by the Roman government, which derived thence its main revenue from the island: further, that the custom had grown up of allowing a pecuniary composition for the tithe, and that this custom, intended originally for the accommodation of the tithe payers, had been abused to their detriment by over valuation in years when corn was cheap. One of the charges against Verres was that this had been done under him as Proetor. When wheat was selling in Sicily for two or at the most three sesterces per modius, the peasants had been made to compound for their tithes at the rate of three denarii, i.e. twelve secterces. (Cic. in Verr. Divin. 10; Act II). Lib. 3,6, 18). The Roman Church having succeeded the Roman Government in the lordship of the “Patrimony of St. Peter” it appears that the Church officials had not been guiltless of similar unfair exactions. Hence the direction here in this Epistle that the valuations of the tithe insuccessive years should follow the market price.
49 This refers to the corn which was sent annually in large quantities to Rome, and on which the Romans were in a great measure dependent for their supply. Those in Sicily who furnished it were, it seems, responsible for its delivery, taking the risk of loss by sea. But it rested with the Church officials to provide for its being shipped; and, if any loss on the voyage ensued from their delay, the parties otherwise responsible were to be indemnified.
50 (Ex sextariaticis. This appears to have been a technical term, denoting unjust exaction of the following kind. The peasants (rustici) on an estate had to supply, let us say so many modii of corn to be shipped for Rome. But the modius varied in capacity. It is said originally to have contained sixteen sextarii, a sextarius being between a pint and a quart. But it appears below that one of eighteen sextarii was in use in the time of Gregory, and by him allowed. This limit, however, seems to have been sometimes exceeded, and herein consisted the abuse complained of. In a subsequent epistle (XIII. 34) a modius ofeven twenty-five sextarii is spoken of as having been in one case used:-“We understand that the modius by which the husband-men (coloni)were compelled to give their corn was one of twenty-five sextarii.”
51 Massis. These massoe might include several farms (fundi, or poedia), and were let or leased to farmers (conductores), who made their profit out of them. Cf. 14,14, “Massam quoe Aquas Salvias nuncupatur cum omnibus fundis suis;” also v. 31, “Conductoribus massarum per Galliam.”
52 Conductores. See last note.
53 Pensantem ad septuagena bina.It would seem that, in addition to the abuse of using modii of too large capacity, there was the additional one of exacting more modii than were legally due, three and a half being added to every seventy; 1,e. one toevery twenty. Cf). Cicero in Verrem, “(Ab Siculis aratoribus, proeter decumam, ternoe quinquagesimoe (i.e. three for every fifty) exigebantur.” If the reading septuagina bina be correct, it would seem that Gregory allowed two to be added to every seventy perhaps on the ground of long-established custom. The readings, however, vary; and what was meant is uncertain.
54 Siliquoe. In Roman weights the uncia contained 144 siliquoe, and the as or libra 12 uncioe. The reference seems to be to cases in which the grain or other produce was rendered by weight. The just pound was not to be exceeded.
55  Proeter excepta et vilia cibaria). Cibaria bears the general sense of victuals or provender; and specifically, “Cibarium, teste, Plin. I. 18, c. 9, ubi de siligine agit, dicitur farina quoe post pollinem seu Florum excussum restat, postquam nihil aliud remanet nisi furfures: the second sort of flour). Eadem dicitur secundarium. Ex ea qui conficitur vocatur panis cibarius, quia solet esse communis vulgi cibus.” Facciol: ti. The adjective cibarius is applied to provisions generally wine, oil, bread, &c., of a common and inferior kind, and consumed by the common people. The reference in the text may be to refuse and inferior grain or other breadstuff, of which an excessive weight might be exacted to make up for its inferior quality.
56 Colonis, meaning the same as rustici. See note 1.
57 Burdationis. This appears to have been a kind of land tax, payable in the first instance, before the peasants had been able to convert their produce into money. “Burdatio est pensio quoe a rusticis proestatur proedii nomine, quod Burdam vocant, nostri Borde.”Alteserra.
58 Auctionariis. “Mercator qui res suas auget; et proprie dicitur ille qui hic vel illic res parvas et veteres et tritas eruit. ut postea carius vendat.” Du Cange.
59 Commoda. The word commodum denotes properly a bounty (as to soldiers over and above their pay), a gratuity, a voluntary offering, though used also for a stipend, or payment generally. The peasants (rusticii) might not marry without permission. Cf. 12,25, “ut eum districte debeas commonere ne filios suos quolibet ingenio vel excusatione foris alicubi in conjugio, sociare proesumat, sed in ea massa cui lege et conditione ligati sunt socientur.” For such permission they were, it seems, accustomed to pay a fee, in theory perhaps voluntary, but virtually exacted as a due.
60 Because a fine would have to be paid out of the common substance of the family, and so all would be punished for the offence of one.
61 On the office of defensores, see Proleg.
62 See note 2.
63 Suppositorium. The word itself might denote anything put under another, or supporting another. Here its being associated with a cup (calix), and both being called small vessels (vascula), suggests the translation in the text.
64 The meaning of these directions is obscure owing to our ignorance of the circumstances.
65 The word lapsi was the regular one for denoting clergy or others, who had fallen into sin rendering them liable to excommunication.
66 It was against monastic rule for monks or nuns to retain property of their own aiter profession, or the power of disposing of it by will. It became the common property of the monastery Cf). Justinian, Novell. V. c. 38. See also what was said above about the goods of lapsed members of religious communities. In a subsequent Epistle (IX, 7), Gregory annulls a will that had been made by an abbess Sirica. The case of one Probus, an abbot (Appendix, Ep. IX)., who was allowed to make a will is no real exception to the rule. For Gregory gave him special permission to do so on his own petition, on the equitable ground that at the time of his hasty ordination as abbot, not having been a monk previously, he had neglected to make provision for his son by will, as he had intended to do, and as he had then a right to do. In tbe case before us Gregory acts with lenient consideration. Though condemning the bequest of the monk John to the guardian Fantinus, he allows the latter to take it on the ground that he deserved, but had not so far received, a proper remuneration for his services.
67 Magnificum virum. Who this Alexander was is not known. His designation implies a position of rank. An Alexander appears afterwards as Proetor of Sicily (VI. 8): but the Proetor of this year was Justinus (see above, Ep. II)., who was apparently sncceeded by Libertinus (III. 38).
68 Ancilloe Dei. So were called, not professed nuns only, but also others who devoted themselves to virginity and religious lives Gregory’s own aunts, Tarsilla and Aemiliana, who lived as dedicated virgins in their own home. were instances. See Proleg. p. xiv.
69 Amulas. “Amula minor ama vas vinarium, in quo sacra oblatio continetur.” Du Cange.
70 “Decimatas vini duas pensantes per unamquamque decimatam libras 60 (Ap. Anastasium in Hadriano). . . mensuroe vinarioe species videtur.” Du Cange.
71 Honoratus was Gregory’s apocrisiarius at Constantinople.
72 Anthemius was Defensor ecclesioe in Campania.
73 An island, as well as Palmaria mentioned afterwards, near the Campanian coast, and hence under the care of Anthemius.
74 Alluding to the Lombards, who at this time were ravaging Italy.
75 I.e. of the Church in Corsica, as appears from the letter.
76 The clergy who had been married before ordination were not required to put away their wives. Can. Apostol. V. expressly forbids their doing so under pain of excommunication. The 3rd Nicene Canon, which forbids any bishop, presbyter, or any of the clergy, to have a woman dwelling with him except a mother, or sister, or aunt, or such persons only as are above suspicion, does not touch the case of wives, being directed against the custom of the clergy having females who where neither wives nor of their own kindred, to live with them who were called synesactoe, or agapetoe. Accordingly A law of Honorius and the younger Theodosius, made in pursuance of the Nicene Canon, adds to the above injunction, “That those who were married before their husbands where ordained should not be relinquished upon pretence of chastity, it being reasonable that those should be joined to the clergy who by their conversation had made their husbands worthy of the priesthood.” (Cod. Theodor. lib. 16,tit. 2,de Episc. 50,xliv. Also Cod. Just. lib. 1,tit. iii. leg. 19,See Bingham, Bk. 6,ch. ii. sect. 13). But in the West it was now the established rule that neither bishops, priests, nor deacons should have conjugal intercourse with their wives after ordination: and it has been seen under Ep. XLIV. how this rule had been extended to subdeacons. Gregory tells us in his Dialogues(Lib, 4,cap. 11)of a holy presbyter in the province of Nursia, who at the time of his ordination had a wife (presbyteram suam), whom he thenceforth loved as a sister. but avoided as an enemy, never suffering her to come near him for fear of temptation: and he adds, “For this is the way of holy men, that in order to keep far away from what is unlawful they cut themselves off even from what is lawful.” Cf. IX. 60. “Hoc tantummodo adjecto ut hi, sicut canonica decrevit auctoritas, uxores quas caste debent regere non relinquant.”
77 The vacant See referred to was that of Ariminum. See following epistle. Severus, who had been commisioned to act as visitor during the vacancy, was bishop of Ficulum, or Ficocle in the same province. See V. 25.
78 Turritana civitas, a city in Sardinia, called by Pliny (lib. 3,c. 7) Turris Lybissonis, and by Ptolemy (lib. 3,c. 5) Turris Byssonis.
79 Commodalibus dispendiis. The word commodum is used not only for a stipend, or a present or gratuity, but also for exacted payments, “Pro quavis pensitatione vel etiam exactione usurpat Gregor. M.” Du Cange.
80 Religiosos ecclesiae. By the terms religiosi and religisoe were denoted not only monks, nuns, dedicated virgins, and clergy, but also other persons devoted to piety and good works in connection with the Church. Cf. xi 54, "laico religioso." See reff.in Index under Religiosus.
81 Angariis seu commodis. Angarium, or angaria, denotes any forced service imposed on people, either rendered in person or in money payment. See also V. 8, note 4.
82 Other letters addressed to or relating to this bishop, who was an old man of very unsatisfactory character are I. 63; II. 49; III. 36; IV. 8, 9, 15, 26, 27, 29; V. 2; IX. 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 25, 65; XIV. 2.
83 See II. 23, note 8.
84 Probably vestes palmatoe, i.e. robes interwoven or embroidered with palm leaves.
85 See Ep. XXXVI.
86 See Ep. II. If this Epistle is rightly assigned to the ninth Indiction, the title ex-proetor may possibly be an error in the text since Justin is still addressed as proetor in the following Indiction (II. 33). Libertinus appears to have succeeded him as Proetor of Sicily in the eleventh Indiction. See III. 38.
87 Two of these bishops, Gregory and Leo, are referred to afterwards as having been at Rome to answer to certain charges. See II. 33, and III. 12.
88 Extraneis, i.e. growers or vendors of corn outside the patrimony of the Church.
89 See I, 44, note 1.
90 The heretics (so called, though they were really rather schismatics than heretics) were the Donatists, who still lingered in Africa in spite of imperial edicts for their suppression. What Gregory here urges the Exarch to do is to put in force the existing laws against them. A series of imperial laws against the Donatists will be found in Cod. Theod. Bk. 16,tit. 5, that of Honorius,a.d.414, being especially severe.
91 It was the immemorial custom in the provinces of Africa generally for the senior bishop of the province according to the date of his consecration to be appointed primate, instead of the bishop of the civil metropolis being such in virtue of his See, as was the rule elsewhere. (The province of Africa proper, or Africa Proconsularis, was however an exception; for in it the bishop of Carthage was always the primate). Hence in Africa the designation Metropolitan was not used, but that of Primate or Senior (senex). Gregory here, though allowing the old custom of movable primacies, forbids the necessary election of the senior bishop: and this in order to guard against the appointment of unfit persons. His main motive, as appears from Epistle LXXVI., addressed to the bishops of the province of Numidia, was to preclude the elevation to the primacy of any bishop who had once been a Donatist. For in it he allows the retention of the old African custom in all respects, save only that no bishop who had been a Donatist was ever to be appointed primate.
92 See I. 77, note.
93 “Chartularius. Qui chartas tractant, qui chartis deserviunt.... Dignitas ecclesiastica etiam u fuit.” Du Cange. This Hilary is commended to Gennadius the Exarch of Africa, I. 75, and again mentioned as Gregory’s Chartulary in Africa, II. 48: X. 37; XII. 28, 29.
94 See I. 74, note 9.
95 Sacerdotis. The term includes bishops as well as presbyters, and is used in this and the two following Epistles, as usually elsewhere by Gregory, to denote the former in distinction from the latter. The occasion of this And the two following Epistls will be seen to be as follows. The See of Saona in Corsica had been for some time vacant. It rested with the clergy and nobles of the island ( See above, Ep. LXXX)., to elect a new bishop; but they had failed to do so; and consequently Gregory remedied their neglect by himself filling up the vacancy. His right to do so would not be questioned there, Corsica as well as Sicily being among the Suburbicarian provinces which were under the acknowledged patriarchal jurisdiction of the See of Rome. Meanwhile he also commissioned Leo, the bishop of a neighbouring See (to whom this letter is addressed), to make a vistitation of the Church of Saona, and exercise episcopal authority there, till the new bishop should take possession. There are several other Epistles, not included in this translation, appointing visitors of various churches.
96 Cardinal bishops, presbyters, or deacons, meant formerly such as were regularly instituted and attached to some particular see, parish, or church, which, constituted their title (titulas). They were then said to be incardinati, the act of so instituting them being called incardinatio. Cf. II. 37; XIV. 7.
97 See I, 25, note 8.
98 See note under Ep. LXXIX.



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