CHESTERTON-ROBERT BROWING - BROWNING AND HIS MARRIAGE


CHAPTER IV

BROWNING IN ITALY



The married pair went to Pisa in 1846, and moved soon afterwards to

Florence. Of the life of the Brownings in Italy there is much perhaps

to be said in the way of description and analysis, little to be said

in the way of actual narrative. Each of them had passed through the

one incident of existence. Just as Elizabeth Barrett's life had before

her marriage been uneventfully sombre, now it was uneventfully happy.

A succession of splendid landscapes, a succession of brilliant

friends, a succession of high and ardent intellectual interests, they

experienced; but their life was of the kind that if it were told at

all, would need to be told in a hundred volumes of gorgeous

intellectual gossip. How Browning and his wife rode far into the

country, eating strawberries and drinking milk out of the basins of

the peasants; how they fell in with the strangest and most picturesque

figures of Italian society; how they climbed mountains and read books

and modelled in clay and played on musical instruments; how Browning

was made a kind of arbiter between two improvising Italian bards; how

he had to escape from a festivity when the sound of Garibaldi's hymn

brought the knocking of the Austrian police; these are the things of

which his life is full, trifling and picturesque things, a series of

interludes, a beautiful and happy story, beginning and ending nowhere.

The only incidents, perhaps, were the birth of their son and the death

of Browning's mother in 1849.

It is well known that Browning loved Italy; that it was his adopted

country; that he said in one of the finest of his lyrics that the name

of it would be found written on his heart. But the particular

character of this love of Browning for Italy needs to be understood.

There are thousands of educated Europeans who love Italy, who live in

it, who visit it annually, who come across a continent to see it, who

hunt out its darkest picture and its most mouldering carving; but they

are all united in this, that they regard Italy as a dead place. It is

a branch of their universal museum, a department of dry bones. There

are rich and cultivated persons, particularly Americans, who seem to

think that they keep Italy, as they might keep an aviary or a

hothouse, into which they might walk whenever they wanted a whiff of

beauty. Browning did not feel at all in this manner; he was

intrinsically incapable of offering such an insult to the soul of a

nation. If he could not have loved Italy as a nation, he would not

have consented to love it as an old curiosity shop. In everything on

earth, from the Middle Ages to the amoeba, who is discussed at such

length in "Mr. Sludge the Medium," he is interested in the life in

things. He was interested in the life in Italian art and in the life

in Italian politics.

Perhaps the first and simplest example that can be given of this

matter is in Browning's interest in art. He was immeasurably

fascinated at all times by painting and sculpture, and his sojourn in

Italy gave him, of course, innumerable and perfect opportunities for

the study of painting and sculpture. But his interest in these studies

was not like that of the ordinary cultured visitor to the Italian

cities. Thousands of such visitors, for example, study those endless

lines of magnificent Pagan busts which are to be found in nearly all

the Italian galleries and museums, and admire them, and talk about

them, and note them in their catalogues, and describe them in their

diaries. But the way in which they affected Browning is described very

suggestively in a passage in the letters of his wife. She describes

herself as longing for her husband to write poems, beseeching him to

write poems, but finding all her petitions useless because her husband

was engaged all day in modelling busts in clay and breaking them as

fast as he made them. This is Browning's interest in art, the interest

in a living thing, the interest in a growing thing, the insatiable

interest in how things are done. Every one who knows his admirable

poems on painting--"Fra Lippo Lippi" and "Andrea del Sarto" and

"Pictor Ignotus"--will remember how fully they deal with

technicalities, how they are concerned with canvas, with oil, with a

mess of colours. Sometimes they are so technical as to be mysterious

to the casual reader. An extreme case may be found in that of a lady I

once knew who had merely read the title of "Pacchiarotto and how he

worked in distemper," and thought that Pacchiarotto was the name of a

dog, whom no attacks of canine disease could keep from the fulfilment

of his duty. These Browning poems do not merely deal with painting;

they smell of paint. They are the works of a man to whom art is not

what it is to so many of the non-professional lovers of art, a thing

accomplished, a valley of bones: to him it is a field of crops

continually growing in a busy and exciting silence. Browning was

interested, like some scientific man, in the obstetrics of art. There

is a large army of educated men who can talk art with artists; but

Browning could not merely talk art with artists--he could talk shop

with them. Personally he may not have known enough about painting to

be more than a fifth-rate painter, or enough about the organ to be

more than a sixth-rate organist. But there are, when all is said and

done, some things which a fifth-rate painter knows which a first-rate

art critic does not know; there are some things which a sixth-rate

organist knows which a first-rate judge of music does not know. And

these were the things that Browning knew.

He was, in other words, what is called an amateur. The word amateur

has come by the thousand oddities of language to convey an idea of

tepidity; whereas the word itself has the meaning of passion. Nor is

this peculiarity confined to the mere form of the word; the actual

characteristic of these nameless dilettanti is a genuine fire and

reality. A man must love a thing very much if he not only practises it

without any hope of fame or money, but even practises it without any

hope of doing it well. Such a man must love the toils of the work more

than any other man can love the rewards of it. Browning was in this

strict sense a strenuous amateur. He tried and practised in the course

of his life half a hundred things at which he can never have even for

a moment expected to succeed. The story of his life is full of absurd

little ingenuities, such as the discovery of a way of making pictures

by roasting brown paper over a candle. In precisely the same spirit

of fruitless vivacity, he made himself to a very considerable extent a

technical expert in painting, a technical expert in sculpture, a

technical expert in music. In his old age, he shows traces of being so

bizarre a thing as an abstract police detective, writing at length in

letters and diaries his views of certain criminal cases in an Italian

town. Indeed, his own Ring and the Book is merely a sublime

detective story. He was in a hundred things this type of man; he was

precisely in the position, with a touch of greater technical success,

of the admirable figure in Stevenson's story who said, "I can play the

fiddle nearly well enough to earn a living in the orchestra of a penny

gaff, but not quite."

The love of Browning for Italian art, therefore, was anything but an

antiquarian fancy; it was the love of a living thing. We see the same

phenomenon in an even more important matter--the essence and

individuality of the country itself.

Italy to Browning and his wife was not by any means merely that

sculptured and ornate sepulchre that it is to so many of those

cultivated English men and women who live in Italy and enjoy and

admire and despise it. To them it was a living nation, the type and

centre of the religion and politics of a continent; the ancient and

flaming heart of Western history, the very Europe of Europe. And they

lived at the time of the most moving and gigantic of all dramas--the

making of a new nation, one of the things that makes men feel that

they are still in the morning of the earth. Before their eyes, with

every circumstance of energy and mystery, was passing the panorama of

the unification of Italy, with the bold and romantic militarism of

Garibaldi, the more bold and more romantic diplomacy of Cavour. They

lived in a time when affairs of State had almost the air of works of

art; and it is not strange that these two poets should have become

politicians in one of those great creative epochs when even the

politicians have to be poets.

Browning was on this question and on all the questions of continental

and English politics a very strong Liberal. This fact is not a mere

detail of purely biographical interest, like any view he might take of

the authorship of the "Eikon Basilike" or the authenticity of the

Tichborne claimant. Liberalism was so inevitably involved in the

poet's whole view of existence, that even a thoughtful and imaginative

Conservative would feel that Browning was bound to be a Liberal. His

mind was possessed, perhaps even to excess, by a belief in growth and

energy and in the ultimate utility of error. He held the great central

Liberal doctrine, a belief in a certain destiny of the human spirit

beyond, and perhaps even independent of, our own sincerest

convictions. The world was going right he felt, most probably in his

way, but certainly in its own way. The sonnet which he wrote in later

years, entitled "Why I am a Liberal," expresses admirably this

philosophical root of his politics. It asks in effect how he, who had

found truth in so many strange forms after so many strange wanderings,

can be expected to stifle with horror the eccentricities of others. A

Liberal may be defined approximately as a man who, if he could by

waving his hand in a dark room, stop the mouths of all the deceivers

of mankind for ever, would not wave his hand. Browning was a Liberal

in this sense.

And just as the great Liberal movement which followed the French

Revolution made this claim for the liberty and personality of human

beings, so it made it for the liberty and personality of nations. It

attached indeed to the independence of a nation something of the same

wholly transcendental sanctity which humanity has in all legal systems

attached to the life of a man. The grounds were indeed much the same;

no one could say absolutely that a live man was useless, and no one

could say absolutely that a variety of national life was useless or

must remain useless to the world. Men remembered how often barbarous

tribes or strange and alien Scriptures had been called in to revive

the blood of decaying empires and civilisations. And this sense of the

personality of a nation, as distinct from the personalities of all

other nations, did not involve in the case of these old Liberals

international bitterness; for it is too often forgotten that

friendship demands independence and equality fully as much as war. But

in them it led to great international partialities, to a great system,

as it were, of adopted countries which made so thorough a Scotchman as

Carlyle in love with Germany, and so thorough an Englishman as

Browning in love with Italy.

And while on the one side of the struggle was this great ideal of

energy and variety, on the other side was something which we now find

it difficult to realise or describe. We have seen in our own time a

great reaction in favour of monarchy, aristocracy, andecclesiasticism,

a reaction almost entirely noble in its instinct, and dwelling almost

entirely on the best periods and the best qualities of the old

regime. But the modern man, full of admiration for the great virtue

of chivalry which is at the heart of aristocracies, and the great

virtue of reverence which is at the heart of ceremonial religion, is

not in a position to form any idea of how profoundly unchivalrous, how

astonishingly irreverent, how utterly mean, and material, and devoid

of mystery or sentiment were the despotic systems of Europe which

survived, and for a time conquered, the Revolution. The case against

the Church in Italy in the time of Pio Nono was not the case which a

rationalist would urge against the Church of the time of St. Louis,

but diametrically the opposite case. Against the mediaeval Church it

might be said that she was too fantastic, too visionary, too dogmatic

about the destiny of man, too indifferent to all things but the

devotional side of the soul. Against the Church of Pio Nono the main

thing to be said was that it was simply and supremely cynical; that it

was not founded on the unworldly instinct for distorting life, but on

the worldly counsel to leave life as it is; that it was not the

inspirer of insane hopes, of reward and miracle, but the enemy, the

cool and sceptical enemy, of hope of any kind or description. The same

was true of the monarchical systems of Prussia and Austria and Russia

at this time. Their philosophy was not the philosophy of the cavaliers

who rode after Charles I. or Louis XIII. It was the philosophy of the

typical city uncle, advising every one, and especially the young, to

avoid enthusiasm, to avoid beauty, to regard life as a machine,

dependent only upon the two forces of comfort and fear. That was,

there can be little doubt, the real reason of the fascination of the

Napoleon legend--that while Napoleon was a despot like the rest, he

was a despot who went somewhere and did something, and defied the

pessimism of Europe, and erased the word "impossible." One does not

need to be a Bonapartist to rejoice at the way in which the armies of

the First Empire, shouting their songs and jesting with their

colonels, smote and broke into pieces the armies of Prussia and

Austria driven into battle with a cane.

Browning, as we have said, was in Italy at the time of the break-up of

one part of this frozen continent of the non-possumus, Austria's hold

in the north of Italy was part of that elaborate and comfortable and

wholly cowardly and unmeaning compromise, which the Holy Alliance had

established, and which it believed without doubt in its solid unbelief

would last until the Day of Judgment, though it is difficult to

imagine what the Holy Alliance thought would happen then. But almost

of a sudden affairs had begun to move strangely, and the despotic

princes and their chancellors discovered with a great deal of

astonishment that they were not living in the old age of the world,

but to all appearance in a very unmanageable period of its boyhood. In

an age of ugliness and routine, in a time when diplomatists and

philosophers alike tended to believe that they had a list of all human

types, there began to appear men who belonged to the morning of the

world, men whose movements have a national breadth and beauty, who act

symbols and become legends while they are alive. Garibaldi in his red

shirt rode in an open carriage along the front of a hostile fort

calling to the coachman to drive slower, and not a man dared fire a

shot at him. Mazzini poured out upon Europe a new mysticism of

humanity and liberty, and was willing, like some passionate Jesuit of

the sixteenth century, to become in its cause either a philosopher or

a criminal. Cavour arose with a diplomacy which was more thrilling and

picturesque than war itself. These men had nothing to do with an age

of the impossible. They have passed, their theories along with them,

as all things pass; but since then we have had no men of their type

precisely, at once large and real and romantic and successful. Gordon

was a possible exception. They were the last of the heroes.

When Browning was first living in Italy, a telegram which had been

sent to him was stopped on the frontier and suppressed on account of

his known sympathy with the Italian Liberals. It is almost impossible

for people living in a commonwealth like ours to understand how a

small thing like that will affect a man. It was not so much the

obvious fact that a great practical injury was really done to him;

that the telegram might have altered all his plans in matters of vital

moment. It was, over and above that, the sense of a hand laid on

something personal and essentially free. Tyranny like this is not the

worst tyranny, but it is the most intolerable. It interferes with men

not in the most serious matters, but precisely in those matters in

which they most resent interference. It may be illogical for men to

accept cheerfully unpardonable public scandals, benighted educational

systems, bad sanitation, bad lighting, a blundering and inefficient

system of life, and yet to resent the tearing up of a telegram or a

post-card; but the fact remains that the sensitiveness of men is a

strange and localised thing, and there is hardly a man in the world

who would not rather be ruled by despots chosen by lot and live in a

city like a mediaeval Ghetto, than be forbidden by a policeman to

smoke another cigarette, or sit up a quarter of an hour later; hardly

a man who would not feel inclined in such a case to raise a rebellion

for a caprice for which he did not really care a straw. Unmeaning and

muddle-headed tyranny in small things, that is the thing which, if

extended over many years, is harder to bear and hope through than the

massacres of September. And that was the nightmare of vexatious

triviality which was lying over all the cities of Italy that were

ruled by the bureaucratic despotisms of Europe. The history of the

time is full of spiteful and almost childish struggles--struggles

about the humming of a tune or the wearing of a colour, the arrest of

a journey, or the opening of a letter. And there can be little doubt

that Browning's temperament under these conditions was not of the kind

to become more indulgent, and there grew in him a hatred of the

Imperial and Ducal and Papal systems of Italy, which sometimes passed

the necessities of Liberalism, and sometimes even transgressed its

spirit. The life which he and his wife lived in Italy was

extraordinarily full and varied, when we consider the restrictions

under which one at least of them had always lain. They met and took

delight, notwithstanding their exile, in some of the most interesting

people of their time--Ruskin, Cardinal Manning, and Lord Lytton.

Browning, in a most characteristic way, enjoyed the society of all of

them, arguing with one, agreeing with another, sitting up all night by

the bedside of a third.

It has frequently been stated that the only difference that ever

separated Mr. and Mrs. Browning was upon the question of spiritualism.

That statement must, of course, be modified and even contradicted if

it means that they never differed; that Mr. Browning never thought an

Act of Parliament good when Mrs. Browning thought it bad; that Mr.

Browning never thought bread stale when Mrs. Browning thought it new.

Such unanimity is not only inconceivable, it is immoral; and as a

matter of fact, there is abundant evidence that their marriage

constituted something like that ideal marriage, an alliance between

two strong and independent forces. They differed, in truth, about a

great many things, for example, about Napoleon III. whom Mrs. Browning

regarded with an admiration which would have been somewhat beyond the

deserts of Sir Galahad, and whom Browning with his emphatic Liberal

principles could never pardon for the Coup d'Etat. If they differed

on spiritualism in a somewhat more serious way than this, the reason

must be sought in qualities which were deeper and more elemental in

both their characters than any mere matter of opinion. Mrs. Orr, in

her excellent Life of Browning, states that the difficulty arose

from Mrs. Browning's firm belief in psychical phenomena and Browning's

absolute refusal to believe even in their possibility. Another writer

who met them at this time says, "Browning cannot believe, and Mrs.

Browning cannot help believing." This theory, that Browning's aversion

to the spiritualist circle arose from an absolute denial of the

tenability of such a theory of life and death, has in fact often been

repeated. But it is exceedingly difficult to reconcile it with

Browning's character. He was the last man in the world to be

intellectually deaf to a hypothesis merely because it was odd. He had

friends whose opinions covered every description of madness from the

French legitimism of De Ripert-Monclar to the Republicanism of

Landor. Intellectually he may be said to have had a zest for heresies.

It is difficult to impute an attitude of mere impenetrable negation to

a man who had expressed with sympathy the religion of "Caliban" and

the morality of "Time's Revenges." It is true that at this time of the

first popular interest in spiritualism a feeling existed among many

people of a practical turn of mind, which can only be called a

superstition against believing in ghosts. But, intellectually

speaking, Browning would probably have been one of the most tolerant

and curious in regard to the new theories, whereas the popular version

of the matter makes him unusually intolerant and negligent even for

that time. The fact was in all probability that Browning's aversion to

the spiritualists had little or nothing to do with spiritualism. It

arose from quite a different side of his character--his uncompromising

dislike of what is called Bohemianism, of eccentric or slovenly

cliques, of those straggling camp followers of the arts who exhibit

dubious manners and dubious morals, of all abnormality and of all

irresponsibility. Any one, in fact, who wishes to see what it was that

Browning disliked need only do two things. First, he should read the

Memoirs of David Home, the famous spiritualist medium with whom

Browning came in contact. These Memoirs constitute a more thorough

and artistic self-revelation than any monologue that Browning ever

wrote. The ghosts, the raps, the flying hands, the phantom voices are

infinitely the most respectable and infinitely the most credible part

of the narrative. But the bragging, the sentimentalism, the moral and

intellectual foppery of the composition is everywhere, culminating

perhaps in the disgusting passage in which Home describes Mrs.

Browning as weeping over him and assuring him that all her husband's

actions in the matter have been adopted against her will. It is in

this kind of thing that we find the roots of the real anger of

Browning. He did not dislike spiritualism, but spiritualists. The

second point on which any one wishing to be just in the matter should

cast an eye, is the record of the visit which Mrs. Browning insisted

on making while on their honeymoon in Paris to the house of George

Sand. Browning felt, and to some extent expressed, exactly the same

aversion to his wife mixing with the circle of George Sand which he

afterwards felt at her mixing with the circle of Home. The society was

"of the ragged red, diluted with the low theatrical, men who worship

George Sand, a genou bas between an oath and an ejection of saliva."

When we find that a man did not object to any number of Jacobites or

Atheists, but objected to the French Bohemian poets and to the early

occultist mediums as friends for his wife, we shall surely be fairly

right in concluding that he objected not to an opinion, but to a

social tone. The truth was that Browning had a great many admirably

Philistine feelings, and one of them was a great relish for his

responsibilities towards his wife. He enjoyed being a husband. This is

quite a distinct thing from enjoying being a lover, though it will

scarcely be found apart from it. But, like all good feelings, it has

its possible exaggerations, and one of them is this almost morbid

healthiness in the choice of friends for his wife.

David Home, the medium, came to Florence about 1857. Mrs. Browning

undoubtedly threw herself into psychical experiments with great ardour

at first, and Browning, equally undoubtedly, opposed, and at length

forbade, the enterprise. He did not do so however until he had

attended one seance at least, at which a somewhat ridiculous event

occurred, which is described in Home's Memoirs with a gravity even

more absurd than the incident. Towards the end of the proceedings a

wreath was placed in the centre of the table, and the lights being

lowered, it was caused to rise slowly into the air, and after hovering

for some time, to move towards Mrs. Browning, and at length to alight

upon her head. As the wreath was floating in her direction, her

husband was observed abruptly to cross the room and stand beside her.

One would think it was a sufficiently natural action on the part of a

man whose wife was the centre of a weird and disturbing experiment,

genuine or otherwise. But Mr. Home gravely asserts that it was

generally believed that Browning had crossed the room in the hope that

the wreath would alight on his head, and that from the hour of its

disobliging refusal to do so dated the whole of his goaded and

malignant aversion to spiritualism. The idea of the very conventional

and somewhat bored Robert Browning running about the room after a

wreath in the hope of putting his head into it, is one of the genuine

gleams of humour in this rather foolish affair. Browning could be

fairly violent, as we know, both in poetry and conversation; but it

would be almost too terrible to conjecture what he would have felt and

said if Mr. Home's wreath had alighted on his head.

Next day, according to Home's account, he called on the hostess of the

previous night in what the writer calls "a ridiculous state of

excitement," and told her apparently that she must excuse him if he

and his wife did not attend any more gatherings of the kind. What

actually occurred is not, of course, quite easy to ascertain, for the

account in Home's Memoirs principally consists of noble speeches

made by the medium which would seem either to have reduced Browning to

a pulverised silence, or else to have failed to attract his attention.

But there can be no doubt that the general upshot of the affair was

that Browning put his foot down, and the experiments ceased. There can

be little doubt that he was justified in this; indeed, he was probably

even more justified if the experiments were genuine psychical

mysteries than if they were the hocus-pocus of a charlatan. He knew

his wife better than posterity can be expected to do; but even

posterity can see that she was the type of woman so much adapted to

the purposes of men like Home as to exhibit almost invariably either a

great craving for such experiences or a great terror of them. Like

many geniuses, but not all, she lived naturally upon something like a

borderland; and it is impossible to say that if Browning had not

interposed when she was becoming hysterical she might not have ended

in an asylum.

The whole of this incident is very characteristic of Browning; but the

real characteristic note in it has, as above suggested, been to some

extent missed. When some seven years afterwards he produced "Mr.

Sludge the Medium," every one supposed that it was an attack upon

spiritualism and the possibility of its phenomena. As we shall see

when we come to that poem, this is a wholly mistaken interpretation of

it. But what is really curious is that most people have assumed that a

dislike of Home's investigations implies a theoretic disbelief in

spiritualism. It might, of course, imply a very firm and serious

belief in it. As a matter of fact it did not imply this in Browning,

but it may perfectly well have implied an agnosticism which admitted

the reasonableness of such things. Home was infinitely less dangerous

as a dexterous swindler than he was as a bad or foolish man in

possession of unknown or ill-comprehended powers. It is surely curious

to think that a man must object to exposing his wife to a few

conjuring tricks, but could not be afraid of exposing her to the loose

and nameless energies of the universe.

Browning's theoretic attitude in the matter was, therefore, in all

probability quite open and unbiassed. His was a peculiarly hospitable

intellect. If any one had told him of the spiritualist theory, or

theories a hundred times more insane, as things held by some sect of

Gnostics in Alexandria, or of heretical Talmudists at Antwerp, he

would have delighted in those theories, and would very likely have

adopted them. But Greek Gnostics and Antwerp Jews do not dance round a

man's wife and wave their hands in her face and send her into swoons

and trances about which nobody knows anything rational or scientific.

It was simply the stirring in Browning of certain primal masculine

feelings far beyond the reach of argument--things that lie so deep

that if they are hurt, though there may be no blame and no anger,

there is always pain. Browning did not like spiritualism to be

mentioned for many years.

Robert Browning was unquestionably a thoroughly conventional man.

There are many who think this element of conventionality altogether

regrettable and disgraceful; they have established, as it were, a

convention of the unconventional. But this hatred of the conventional

element in the personality of a poet is only possible to those who do

not remember the meaning of words. Convention means only a coming

together, an agreement; and as every poet must base his work upon an

emotional agreement among men, so every poet must base his work upon a

convention. Every art is, of course, based upon a convention, an

agreement between the speaker and the listener that certain objections

shall not be raised. The most realistic art in the world is open to

realistic objection. Against the most exact and everyday drama that

ever came out of Norway it is still possible for the realist to raise

the objection that the hero who starts a subject and drops it, who

runs out of a room and runs back again for his hat, is all the time

behaving in a most eccentric manner, considering that he is doing

these things in a room in which one of the four walls has been taken

clean away and been replaced by a line of footlights and a mob of

strangers. Against the most accurate black-and-white artist that human

imagination can conceive it is still to be admitted that he draws a

black line round a man's nose, and that that line is a lie. And in

precisely the same fashion a poet must, by the nature of things, be

conventional. Unless he is describing an emotion which others share

with him, his labours will be utterly in vain. If a poet really had an

original emotion; if, for example, a poet suddenly fell in love with

the buffers of a railway train, it would take him considerably more

time than his allotted three-score years and ten to communicate his

feelings.

Poetry deals with primal and conventional things--the hunger for

bread, the love of woman, the love of children, the desire for

immortal life. If men really had new sentiments, poetry could not deal

with them. If, let us say, a man did not feel a bitter craving to eat

bread; but did, by way of substitute, feel a fresh, original craving

to eat brass fenders or mahogany tables, poetry could not express him.

If a man, instead of falling in love with a woman, fell in love with a

fossil or a sea anemone, poetry could not express him. Poetry can only

express what is original in one sense--the sense in which we speak of

original sin. It is original, not in the paltry sense of being new,

but in the deeper sense of being old; it is original in the sense that

it deals with origins.

All artists, who have any experience of the arts, will agree so far,

that a poet is bound to be conventional with regard to matters of art.

Unfortunately, however, they are the very people who cannot, as a

general rule, see that a poet is also bound to be conventional in

matters of conduct. It is only the smaller poet who sees the poetry of

revolt, of isolation, of disagreement; the larger poet sees the poetry

of those great agreements which constitute the romantic achievement of

civilisation. Just as an agreement between the dramatist and the

audience is necessary to every play; just as an agreement between the

painter and the spectators is necessary to every picture, so an

agreement is necessary to produce the worship of any of the great

figures of morality--the hero, the saint, the average man, the

gentleman. Browning had, it must thoroughly be realised, a real

pleasure in these great agreements, these great conventions. He

delighted, with a true poetic delight, in being conventional. Being

by birth an Englishman, he took pleasure in being an Englishman; being

by rank a member of the middle class, he took a pride in its ancient

scruples and its everlasting boundaries. He was everything that he was

with a definite and conscious pleasure--a man, a Liberal, an

Englishman, an author, a gentleman, a lover, a married man.

This must always be remembered as a general characteristic of

Browning, this ardent and headlong conventionality. He exhibited it

pre-eminently in the affair of his elopement and marriage, during and

after the escape of himself and his wife to Italy. He seems to have

forgotten everything, except the splendid worry of being married. He

showed a thoroughly healthy consciousness that he was taking up a

responsibility which had its practical side. He came finally and

entirely out of his dreams. Since he had himself enough money to live

on, he had never thought of himself as doing anything but writing

poetry; poetry indeed was probably simmering and bubbling in his head

day and night. But when the problem of the elopement arose he threw

himself with an energy, of which it is pleasant to read, into every

kind of scheme for solidifying his position. He wrote to Monckton

Milnes, and would appear to have badgered him with applications for a

post in the British Museum. "I will work like a horse," he said, with

that boyish note, which, whenever in his unconsciousness he strikes

it, is more poetical than all his poems. All his language in this

matter is emphatic; he would be "glad and proud," he says, "to have

any minor post" his friend could obtain for him. He offered to read

for the Bar, and probably began doing so. But all this vigorous and

very creditable materialism was ruthlessly extinguished by Elizabeth

Barrett. She declined altogether even to entertain the idea of her

husband devoting himself to anything else at the expense of poetry.

Probably she was right and Browning wrong, but it was an error which

every man would desire to have made.

One of the qualities again which make Browning most charming, is the

fact that he felt and expressed so simple and genuine a satisfaction

about his own achievements as a lover and husband, particularly in

relation to his triumph in the hygienic care of his wife. "If he is

vain of anything," writes Mrs. Browning, "it is of my restored

health." Later, she adds with admirable humour and suggestiveness,

"and I have to tell him that he really must not go telling everybody

how his wife walked here with him, or walked there with him, as if a

wife with two feet were a miracle in Nature." When a lady in Italy

said, on an occasion when Browning stayed behind with his wife on the

day of a picnic, that he was "the only man who behaved like a

Christian to his wife," Browning was elated to an almost infantile

degree. But there could scarcely be a better test of the essential

manliness and decency of a man than this test of his vanities.

Browning boasted of being domesticated; there are half a hundred men

everywhere who would be inclined to boast of not being domesticated.

Bad men are almost without exception conceited, but they are commonly

conceited of their defects.

One picturesque figure who plays a part in this portion of the

Brownings' life in Italy is Walter Savage Landor. Browning found him

living with some of his wife's relations, and engaged in a continuous

and furious quarrel with them, which was, indeed, not uncommonly the

condition of that remarkable man when living with other human beings.

He had the double arrogance which is only possible to that old and

stately but almost extinct blend--the aristocratic republican. Like an

old Roman senator, or like a gentleman of the Southern States of

America, he had the condescension of a gentleman to those below him,

combined with the jealous self-assertiveness of a Jacobin to those

above. The only person who appears to have been able to manage him and

bring out his more agreeable side was Browning. It is, by the way, one

of the many hints of a certain element in Browning which can only be

described by the elementary and old-fashioned word goodness, that he

always contrived to make himself acceptable and even lovable to men of

savage and capricious temperament, of detached and erratic genius, who

could get on with no one else. Carlyle, who could not get a bitter

taste off his tongue in talking of most of his contemporaries, was

fond of Browning. Landor, who could hardly conduct an ordinary

business interview without beginning to break the furniture, was fond

of Browning. These are things which speak more for a man than many

people will understand. It is easy enough to be agreeable to a circle

of admirers, especially feminine admirers, who have a peculiar talent

for discipleship and the absorption of ideas. But when a man is loved

by other men of his own intellectual stature and of a wholly different

type and order of eminence, we may be certain that there was something

genuine about him, and something far more important than anything

intellectual. Men do not like another man because he is a genius,

least of all when they happen to be geniuses themselves. This general

truth about Browning is like hearing of a woman who is the most famous

beauty in a city, and who is at the same time adored and confided in

by all the women who live there.

Browning came to the rescue of the fiery old gentleman, and helped by

Seymour Kirkup put him under very definite obligations by a course of

very generous conduct. He was fully repaid in his own mind for his

trouble by the mere presence and friendship of Landor, for whose

quaint and volcanic personality he had a vast admiration, compounded

of the pleasure of the artist in an oddity and of the man in a hero.

It is somewhat amusing and characteristic that Mrs. Browning did not

share this unlimited enjoyment of the company of Mr. Landor, and

expressed her feelings in her own humorous manner. She writes, "Dear,

darling Robert amuses me by talking of his gentleness and sweetness. A

most courteous and refined gentleman he is, of course, and very

affectionate to Robert (as he ought to be), but of self-restraint he

has not a grain, and of suspicion many grains. What do you really say

to dashing down a plate on the floor when you don't like what's on it?

Robert succeeded in soothing him, and the poor old lion is very quiet

on the whole, roaring softly to beguile the time in Latin alcaics

against his wife and Louis Napoleon."

One event alone could really end this endless life of the Italian

Arcadia. That event happened on June 29, 1861. Robert Browning's wife

died, stricken by the death of her sister, and almost as hard (it

characteristic touch) by the death of Cavour. She died alone in the

room with Browning, and of what passed then, though much has been

said, little should be. He, closing the door of that room behind him,

closed a door in himself, and none ever saw Browning upon earth again

but only a splendid surface.








CHESTERTON-ROBERT BROWING - BROWNING AND HIS MARRIAGE