BELLOC-FIRST AND LAST - The Great Sight

The Great Sight



All night we had slept on straw in a high barn. The wood of its beams

was very old, and the tiles upon the roof were green with age; but there

hung from beam to beam, fantastically, a wire caught by nails, and here

and there from this wire hung an electric-light bulb. It was a symbol of

the time, and the place, and the people. There was no local by-law to

forbid such a thing, or if there was, no one dreamt of obeying it.

Just in the first dawn of that September day we went out, my companion

and I, at guesswork to hunt in the most amusing kind of hunting, which

is the hunting of an army. The lane led through one of those lovely

ravines of Picardy which travellers never know (for they only see the

plains), and in a little while we thought it wise to strike up the steep

bank from the valley on to the bare plateau above, but it was all at

random and all guesswork, only we wisely thought that we were nearing

the beginning of things, and that on the bare fields of the high flat we

should have a greater horizon and a better chance of catching any

indications of men or arms.

When we had reached the height the sun had long risen, but it as yet

gave no shining and there were no shadows, for a delicate mist hung all

about the landscape, though immediately above us the sky was faintly

blue.

It was the weirdest of sensations to go for mile after mile over that

vast plain, to know that it was cut in regular series by parallel

ravines which in all that extended view we could not guess at; to see up

to the limits of the plateau the spires of villages and the groups of

trees about them, and to know that somewhere in all this there lay

concealed a corps d'armée--and not to see or hear a soul. The

only human being that we saw was a man driving a heavy farm cart very

slowly up a side-way just as we came into the great road which has shot

dead across this country in one line ever since the Romans built it. As

we went along that road, leaving the fields, we passed by many men

indeed, and many houses, all in movement with the early morning; and the

chalked numbers on the doors, and here and there an empty tin of

polishing-paste or an order scrawled on paper and tacked to a wall

betrayed the passage of soldiers. But of the army there was nothing at

all. Scouting on foot (for that was what it was) is a desperate

business, and that especially if you have nothing to tell you whether

you will get in touch in five, or ten, or twenty miles.

It was nine o'clock before a clatter of horse-hoofs came up the road

behind us. At first my companion and I wondered whether it were the

first riders of the Dragoons or Cuirassiers. In that case the advance

was from behind us. But very soon, as the sound grew clearer, we heard

how few they were, and then there came into view, trotting rapidly, a

small escort and two officers with the umpires' badges, so there was

nothing doing; but when, half a mile ahead of us on the road, they

turned off to the left over plough, we knew that that was the way we

must follow too. Before we came to the turning-place, before we left the

road to take the fields on the left, there came from far off and on our

right the sound of a gun.

It was my companion who heard it first. We strained to hear it again;

twice we thought we had caught it, and then again twice we doubted. It

is not so easily recognizable a sound as you might think in those great

plains cut by islands of high trees and steading walls. The little "75"

gun lying low makes a different sound altogether at a distance from the

old piece of "90." At any rate there was here no doubt that there were

guns to the right and in front of us, and the umpire had gone to the

left. We were getting towards the thick, and we had only to go straight

on to find out where the front was.

Just as we had so decided and were still pursuing the high road, there

came, not half a mile away and again to our right, in a valley below us,

that curious sound which is like nothing at all unless it be dumping of

flints out of a cart: rifle fire. It cracked and tore in stretches. Then

there were little gaps of silence like the gaps in signalling, and then

it cracked and tore in stretches again; and then, fitfully, one

individual shot and then another would be heard; and, much further off,

with little sounds like snaps, the replies began from the hillside

beyond the stream. So far so good. Here was contact in the valley below

us, and the guns, some way behind and far off northwards, had opened. So

we got the hang of it instantly--the front was a sort of a crescent

lying roughly north and south, and roughly parallel to the great road,

and the real or feigned mass of the advance was on the extreme left of

that front. We were in it now, and that anxious and wearing business in

all hunting, finding, was over; but we had been on foot six mortal hours

before coming across our luck, and more than half the soldiers' day was

over. These men had been afoot since three, and certain units on the

left had already marched over twenty miles.

After that coming in touch with our business, not only did everything

become plain, but the numbers we met, and what I have called "the thick

of things," fed us with interest. We passed half the 38th, going down

the road singing, to extend the line, and in a large village we came to

the other half, slouching about in the traditional fashion of the

Service; they had been waiting for an hour. With them, and lined up all

along the village street, was one battery, with the drivers dismounted,

and all that body were at ease. There were men sitting on the doorsteps

of the houses and men trotting to the canteen-wagon or to the village

shops to buy food; and there were men reading papers which a pedlar had

brought round. Mud and dust had splashed them all; upon some there was a

look of great fatigue; they were of all shapes and sizes, and altogether

it was the sort of sight you would not see in any other service in the

world. It was the sort of sight which so disgusted the Emperor Joseph

when he made his little tour to spy out the land before the

Revolutionary Wars. It was the sort of sight which made Massenbach

before Grandpré marvel whether the French forces were soldiers at all,

and the sort of sight which made Valmy inexplicable to the King of

Prussia and his staff. It was the sort of sight which eighteen months

later still convinced Mack in Tournai that the Duke of York's plan was a

plan "of annihilation." It is a trap for judgment is the French service.

So they lounged about and bought bread, and shifted their packs, and so

the drivers stood by their horses, and so they all waited and slouched;

until there came, not a man with a bugle nor anything with the slightest

savour of drama but a little fellow running along thumping in his loose

leather leggings, who went up to a Major of Artillery and saluted, and

immediately afterwards the Major put his hand up, and then down a

village street, from a point which we could not see came a whistle, and

the whole of that mass of men began to swarm. The grey-blue coats of the

line swung round the corner of the village street; they had yet a few

miles before them. Anything more rapid or less in step it would be

difficult to conceive. The guns were off at a right angle down the main

road, making a prodigious clatter, and at the same time appeared two

parties, one of which it was easy to understand, the other not. They

were both parties of sappers. The one party had a great roll of wire on

a drum, and as quick as you could think they were unreeling it, and as

they unreeled it fastening it to eaves, overhanging branches, and to

corners of walls, stretching it out forward. It was the field-telephone.

The other party came along carrying great beams upon their shoulders,

but what they were to do with these beams we did not know.

We followed the tail of the line down into the valley, and all that

morning long and past the food time at midday, and so till the sun

declined in the afternoon, we went with the 38th in its gradual success

from crest to crest. And still the 38th slouched by companies, and mile

after mile with checks and halts, and it never seemed to get either less

or more tired. The men had had twelve hours of it when they came at

last, and we after them, on to the critical position. They had carried

(together with all the line to left and to the right of them) a string

of villages which crowned the crest of a further plateau, and over this

further plateau they were advancing against the main body of the

resistance--the other army corps which was set up against ours, to

simulate an enemy.

A railway line ran here across the rolling hedgeless fields, and just at

the point where my companion and I struck it there was a dip in the land

and a high embankment which hid the plain beyond; but from that plain

beyond one heard the separate fire of the advancing line in its

scattered order. We climbed the embankment, and from its ridge we saw

over two miles or more of stubble, the little creeping bunches of the

attack. What was resisting, or where it lay, one could only guess. Some

hundreds of yards before us to the east, with the sloping sun full on

it, a line of thicket, one scattered wood and then another, an

imperceptible lifting of the earth here and there marked the opposing

firing line. Two pompoms could be spotted exactly, for the flashes were

clear through the underwood. And still the tide of the advance continued

to flow, and the little groups came up and fed it, one after another and

another, in the centre where we were, and far away to the north and

right away to the south the countryside was alive with it. The action

was beginning to take on something of that final movement and decision

which makes the climax of manoeuvres look so great a game. But in a

little while that general creeping forward was checked: there were

orders coming from the umpires, and a sort of lull fell over each

position held. My companion said to me:

"Let us go forward now over the intervening zone and in among Picquart's

men, and get well behind their line, and see whether there is a rally or

whether before the end of this day they begin to fall back again."

So we did, walking a mile or so until we had long passed their outposts

and were behind their forward lines. And standing there, upon a little

eminence near a wood, we turned and looked over what we had come,

westward towards the sun which was now not far from its setting. Then it

was that we saw the last of the Great Sight.

The level light, mellow and already reddening, illumined all that plain

strangely, and with the absolute stillness of the air contrasted the

opening of the guns which had been brought up to support the renewal of

the attack. We saw the isolated woods standing up like islands with low

steep cliffs, dotted in a sea of stubble for miles and miles, and first

from the cover of one and then from another the advance perpetually,

piercing and deploying. As we so watched there buzzed high above us,

like a great hornet, a biplane, circling well within our lines, beyond

attack from the advance, but overlooking all they concealed behind it.

In a few minutes a great Bleriot monoplane like a hawk followed, yet

further inwards. The two great birds shot round in an arc, parallel to

the firing line, and well behind it, and in a few minutes, that seemed

seconds, they were dots to the south and then lost in the air. And

perpetually, as the sun declined, Picquart's men were falling back north

and south of us and before us, and the advance continued. Group by group

we saw it piercing this hedge, that woodland, now occupying a nearer and

a nearer roll of land. It was the greatest thing imaginable: this

enormous sweep of men, the dead silence of the air, and the

comparatively slight contrast of the ceaseless pattering rifle fire and

the slight intermittent accompaniment of the advancing batteries; until

the sun set and all this human business slackened. Then for the first

time one heard bugles, which were a command to cease the game.

I would not have missed that day nor lose the memories of it for

anything in the world.







The Decline of a State



The decline of a State is not equivalent to a mortal sickness therein.

States are organisms subject to diseases and to decay as are the

organisms of men's bodies; but they are not subject to a rhythmic rise

and fall as is the body of a man. A State in its decline is never a

State doomed or a State dying. States perish slowly or by violence, but

never without remedy and rarely without violence.

The decline of a State differs with the texture of it. A democratic

State will decline from a lowering of its potential, that is of its

ever-ready energy to act in a crisis, to correct and to control its

servants in common times, to watch them narrowly and suspect them at all

times. A despotic State will decline when the despot is not in point of

fact the true depository of despotic power, but some other acting in his

name, of whom the people know little and cannot judge; or when the

despot, though fully in view and recognized, lacks will; or when (which

is rare) he is so inhuman as to miss the general sense of his subjects.

An oligarchic State, or aristocracy as it is called, will decline

principally through two agencies which are, first, illusion, and

secondly, lack of civic aptitude. For an oligarchic State tends very

readily to illusion, being conducted by men who live at leisure, satisfy

their passions, are immune from the laws, and prefer to shield

themselves from reality. Their capacity or appetite for illusion will

rapidly pervade those below them, for in an aristocracy the rulers are

subjected to a sort of worship from the rest of the community, and thus

it comes about that aristocracies in their decline accept fantastic

histories of their own past, conceive victory possible without armies,

wealth to be an indication of ability, and national security to be a

natural gift rather than a product of the will. Such communities further

fail from the lack of civic aptitude, as was said above, which means

that they deliberately elect to leave the mass of citizens incompetent

and irresponsible for generations, so that, when any more strain is upon

them, they look at once for some men other than themselves to relieve

them, and are incapable of corporate action upon their own account.

The decline of a State differs also according to whether it be a great

State or a small one, for in the first indifference, in the latter

faction, are a peril, and in the first ignorance, in the latter private

spite.

Then again, the decline of a State will differ according to whether its

strength is rooted originally in commerce, in arms, or in production;

and if in production, then whether in the production of the artisan or

in that of the peasant. If arms be the basis of the State, then that the

army should become professional and apart is a symptom of decline and a

cause of it; if commerce, the substitution of hazards and imaginaries

for the transport of real goods and the search after real demand; if

production, the discontent or apathy of the producer; as with peasants

an ill system in the taxation of the land or in the things necessary for

its tillage, such as a misgovernment of its irrigation in a dry country;

the permission of private exactions and tolls in a fertile one; the

toleration of thieves and forestallers, and so forth. Artisans, upon the

other hand, may well flourish, though the State be corrupt in such

matters, but they must be secured in a high wage and be given a vast

liberty of protest, for if they sink to be slaves in fact, they will

from the nature of their toil grow both weak and foolish. Yet is not the

State endangered by the artisan's throwing off a refuse of ill-paid and

starving men who are either too many for the work or unskilful at it?

Such an excretion would poison a peasantry, remaining in their body as

it were, but artisans are purged thereby. This refuse it is for the

State to decide upon. It may in an artisan State be used for soldiery

(since such States commonly maintain but small armies and are commonly

indifferent to military glory), or it may be set to useful labour, or

again, destroyed; but this last use is repugnant to humanity, and so in

the long run hurtful to the State.

In the decline of a State, of whatever nature that State be, two vices

will immediately appear and grow: these are Avarice and Fear; and men

will more readily accept the imputation of Avarice than of Fear, for

Avarice is the less despicable of the two--yet in fact Fear will be by

far the strongest passion of the time.

Avarice will show itself not indeed in a mere greed of gain (for this is

common to all societies whether flourishing or failing), but rather in a

sort of taking for granted and permeation of the mere love of money, so

that history will be explained by it, wars judged by their booty or

begun in order to enrich a few, love between men and women wholly

subordinated to it, especially among the rich: wealth made a test for

responsibility and great salaries invented and paid to those who serve

the State. This vice will also be apparent in the easy acquaintance of

all who are possessed of wealth and their segregation from the less

fortunate, for avarice cleaves society flatways, keeping the scum of it

quite clear of the middle, the middle of it quite clear of the dregs,

and so forth. It is a further mark of avarice in its last stages that

the rich are surrounded with lies in which they themselves believe.

Thus, in the last phase, there are no parasites but only friends, no

gifts but only loans, which are more esteemed favours than gifts once

were. No one vicious but only tedious, and no one a poltroon but only

slack.

Of Fear in the decline of a State it may be said that it is so much the

master passion of such decline as to eat up all others. Coming by travel

from a healthy State to one diseased, Fear is the first point you take.

Men dare not print or say what they feel of the judges, the public

governors, the action of the police, the controllers of fortunes and of

news. This Fear will have about it something comic, providing infinite

joy to the foreigner, and modifying with laughter the lament of the

patriot. A miserable hack that never had a will of his own, but ran to

do what he was told for twenty years at the bidding of his masters,

being raised to the Bench will be praised for an impartial virtue more

than human. A drunken fellow, the son of a drunkard, having stolen

control over some half-dozen sheets, must be named under the breath or

not at all. A powerful minister may be accused with sturdy courage of

something which he did not do and no one would mind his doing, but under

the influence of Fear, to tell the least little truth about him will put

a whole assembly into a sort of blankness.

This vice has for its most laughable effect the raising of a whole host

of phantoms, and when a State is so far gone that civic Fear is quite

normal to the citizens, then you will find them blenching with terror at

a piece of print, a whispered accusation. Bankruptcy, though they be

possessed of nothing, and even the ill-will of women. Moneylenders under

this influence have the greatest power, next after them, blackmailers of

all kinds, and next after these eccentrics who may blurt or break out.

Those who have least power in the decline of a State, are priests,

soldiers, the mothers of many children, the lovers of one woman, and

saints.







On Past Greatness



There lies in the North-East of France, close against the Belgian

frontier and within cannon shot of the famous battlefield of Malplaquet,

a little town called Bavai--I have written of it elsewhere.

Coming into this little town you seem to be entering no more than a

decent, unimportant market borough, a larger village meant for country

folk, perhaps without a history and certainly without fame.

As you come to look about you one thing after another enlivens your

curiosity and suggests something at once enormous and remote in the

destinies of the place.

In the first place, seven great roads go out like the seven rays of a

star, plumb straight, darting along the line, across the vast, bare

fields of Flanders, past and along the many isolated woods of the

provinces, and making to great capitals far off--to Cologne, to Paris,

to Treves, and to the ports of the sea.

These roads are deserted in great part. Some of them are metalled in

certain sections, and again in other sections are no more than lanes,

and again no more than footpaths, as you proceed along their miles of

way; but their exact design awfully impresses the mind. You know, as you

follow such strict alignment, that you are fulfilling the majestic

purpose of Imperial Rome. It was the Romans that made these things.

Then, intrigued and excited by such remains of greatness, you read what

you can of the place.... And you find nothing but a dust of legend. You

find a story that once here a king, filled with ambition and worshipping

strange gods, thrust out these great roads to the ends of the earth;

desired his capital to be a hub and navel for the world. He put them

under the protection of the seven planets and of the deities of those

stars. Three he paved with black marble and four with white marble, and

where they met upon the market place he put up a golden terminal. There

the legend ends.

It is only legend--a true product of the Dark Ages, when all that Rome

had done rose like a huge dream in the mind of Europe and took on

gorgeous and fantastic colouring. You learn (for the rest) very

little--that ornaments and money have been found dating from two

thousand years, that once great walls surrounded the place. It must have

had noble buildings and solemn courts. In strict history all you will

discover is that it was the capital of that tribe, the Nervii, against

whom Caesar fought, and whose territory was early conquered for the

Empire. You will find nothing more. There is no living tradition, there

is no voice; the little town is dumb.

The place is a figure, and a striking one, of greatness long dead, and a

man visiting its small domestic interests to-day, and noting its

comfort, its humility, and its sleep, is reminded of many things

attaching to human fame. It would seem as though the ambitions of men,

and that exalted appetite for glory which has produced the chief things

of this world, suffer the effect of time somewhat as the body of an

animal slain will suffer that.

One part of the organism and then another decays and mixes back with

nature. The effect of will has vanished. The thing is a prey to all that

environment which, once alive, it combated, conquered, and transformed

to its own use. One portion after another is lost, until at last only

the most resisting stands--the skeleton and hard framework, the least

expressive, the least personal part of the whole. This also decays and

perishes. Then there remains no more but a score of hardened fragments

that linger in their place, and what has passed away is fortunate if

even the slightest or most fantastic legend of itself survives.

The great dead are first forgotten in their physical habit; we lose the

nature of their voices, we forget their sympathies and their affections.

Bit by bit all that they intended to be eternal slips back into the

common thing around. A blurred image, growing fainter and fainter,

lingers. At last the person vanishes, and in its place some public

raising material things--a monument, a tomb, an ornament, or weapon of

enduring metal--is all that remains.

If it were possible for the spring of appetite and quest to be dried up

in man, such a spectacle would dry up that spring.

It is not possible, for it is providentially in the nature of man to

cherish these illusions of an immortal memory and of a life bestowed

upon the shade or the mere name of his living greatness. Those various

forms of fame which are young men's goals, and to which the eager

creative power of early manhood so properly directs itself, seem each in

turn or each for its varying temperament to promise the desired reward;

and one imagines that his love, another that his discoveries, another

that his victories in the field or his conspicuous acts of courage will

remain permanently with his fellows long after he has left their feast.

As though to give some substance to the flattering cheat, there is one

kind of fame which men have been permitted to attain, and which does

give them a sort of fixed tenure--if not for ever, yet for generations

upon generations--in the human city. This sort of fame is the fame of

the great poets. There is nothing more enduring. It has for some who

were most blessed outlasted, you may say, all material things which they

handled or they knew--all fabrics, all instruments, all habitations. It

is comparable in its endurance to the years, and a man reads the "Song

of Roland" and can still look on that same unchanged Cleft of

Roncesvalles, or a man reads the Iliad and can look to-day westward from

the shores to Tenedos. But wait a moment. Are they indeed blessed in

this, the great poets? Ronsard debated it. He decided that they were,

and put into the mouth of the muses the great lines:----

Mais un tel accident n'arrive point a l'âme,

Qui sans matière vist immortelle là haut.

* * * * *

Vela saigement dit, Ceux dont la fantaisie

Sera religieuse et devote envers Dieu

Tousjours acheveront quelque grand poésie,

Et dessus leur renom la Parque n'aura lieu.

But the matter is still undecided.







Mr. The Duke: The Man of Malplaquet



On the field of Malplaquet, that battlefield, I met a man.

He was pointed out to me as a man who drove travellers to Bavai. His

name was Mr. The Duke, and he was very poor.

If he comes across these lines (which is exceedingly unlikely) I offer

him my apologies. Anyhow, I can write about him freely, for he is not

rich, and, what is more, the laws of his country permit the telling of

the truth about our fellow-men, even when they are rich.

Mr. The Duke was of some years, and his colour was that of cedar wood. I

met him in his farmyard, and I said to him:

"Is it you, sir, that drive travellers to Bavai?"

"No," said he.

Accustomed by many years of travel to this type of response, I

continued:

"How much do you charge?"

"Two francs fifty," said he.

"I will give you three francs," I said, and when I had said this he

shook his head and replied:

"You fall at an evil moment; I was about to milk the cows." Having said

this he went to harness the horse.

When the horse was harnessed to his little cart (it was an extremely

small horse, full of little bones and white in colour, with one eye

stronger than the other) he gave it to his little daughter to hold, and

himself sat down to table, proposing a meal.

"It is but humble fare," he said, "for we are poor."

This sounded familiar to me; I had both read and heard it before. The

meal was of bread and butter, pasty and beer, for Malplaquet is a

country of beer and not of wine.

As he sat at table the old man pointed out to me that contraband across

the Belgian frontier, which is close by, was no longer profitable.

"The Fraud," he said, "is no longer a living for anyone."

Upon that frontier contraband is called "The Fraud"; it holds an

honourable place as a career.

"The Fraud," he continued, "has gone long ago; it has burst. It is no

longer to be pursued. There is not even any duty upon apples.... But

there is a duty upon pears. Had I a son I would not put him into The

Fraud.... Sometimes there is just a chance here and there.... One can

pick up an occasion. But take it all in all (and here he wagged his head

solemnly) there is nothing in it any more."

I said that I had no experience of contraband professionally, but that I

knew a very honest man who lived by it in the country of Andorra, and

that according to my morals a man had a perfect right to run the risk

and take his chance, for there was no contract between him and the power

he was trying to get round. This announcement pleased the old gentleman,

but it did not grip his mind. He was of your practical sort. He was

almost a Pragmatist. Abstractions wearied him. He put no faith in the

reality of ideas. I think he was a Nominalist like Abelard: and whatever

excuse you may make for him, Abelard was a Nominalist right enough, for

it was the intellectual thing to be at the time, though St. Bernard

utterly confuted him in arguments of enormous length and incalculable

boredom.

The old man, then, I say, would have nothing to do with first

principles, and he reasserted his position that, in the concrete, in the

existent world, The Fraud no longer paid.

This said for the sixth or seventh time, he drank some brandy to put

heart into him and climbed up into his little cart, I by his side. He

hit the white horse with a stick, making at the same time an

extraordinary shrill noise with his mouth, like a siren, and the horse

began to slop and sludge very dolefully towards Bavai.

"This horse," said Mr. The Duke, "is a wonderfully good horse. He goes

like the wind. He is of Arab extraction, and comes from Africa."

With these words he gave the horse another huge blow with his stick, and

once more emitted his piercing cry. The horse went neither faster nor

slower than before, and seemed very indifferent to the whole

performance.

"He is from Africa," said Mr. The Duke again, meditatively. "Do you know

Africa?"

Africa with the French populace means Algiers. I answered that I knew

it, and that in particular I knew the road southward from Constantine.

At this he looked very pleased, and said:

"I was a soldier in Africa. I deserted seven times."

To this I made no answer. I did not know how he wanted me to take it, so

I waited until he should speak again, which he soon did, and said:

"The last time I deserted I was free for a year and a half. I used to

conduct beasts; that was my trade. When they caught me I was to have

been shot. I was saved by the tears of a woman!"

Having said this the old man pulled out a very small pipe and filled it

with exceedingly black tobacco. He lit it, then he began talking again

rather more excitedly.

"It is a terrible thing and an unhappy thing none the less," he went on,

"that a man should be taken out to be shot and should be saved by the

tears of a woman." Then he added, "Of what use are wars? How foolish it

is that men should kill each other! If there were a war I would not

fight. Would you?"

I said I thought I would; but whether I should like to or not would

depend upon the war.

He was eager to contradict and to tell me that war was wrong and stupid.

Having behind him the logical training of fifteen Christian centuries he

was in no way muddle-headed upon the matter. He saw very well that his

doctrine meant that it was wrong to have a country, and wrong to love

it, and that patriotism was all bosh, and that no ideal was worth

physical pain or trouble. To such conclusions had he come at the end of

his life.

The white horse meanwhile slouched; Bavai grew somewhat nearer as we sat

in silence after his last sentence. He was turning many things over in

his mind. He veered off on to political economy.

"When the rich man at the Manufactory here, the place where they sell

phosphates for the land, when he stands beer to all the workmen and to

the countryside, I always say, 'Fools! All this will be put on to the

cost of the phosphates; they will cost you more!'"

Mr. The Duke did not accept John Stuart Mill's proposition upon the cost

of production nor the general theories of Ricardo upon which Mill's

propositions were based. In his opinion rent was a factor in the cost of

production, for he told me that butter had gone up because the price of

land was rising near the towns. In what he next said I found out that he

was not a Collectivist, for he said a man should own enough to live

upon, but he said that this was impossible if rich people were allowed

to live. I asked him what the politics of the countryside were and how

people voted. He said:

"The politicians trick the people. They are a heap of worthlessness."

I asked him if he voted, and he said "yes." He said there was only one

way to vote, but I did not understand what this meant.

Had time served I should have asked him further questions--upon the

nature of the soul, its ultimate fate, the origin of man and his

destiny, whether mortal or immortal; the proper constitution of the

State, the choice of the legislator, the prince, and the magistrate; the

function of art, whether it is subsidiary or primary in human life; the

family; marriage. Upon the State he had already informed me, and also

upon the institution of property, and upon his view of armies. Upon all

those other things he would equally have given me a clear reply, for he

was a man that knew his own mind, and that is more than most people can

say.

But we were now in Bavai, and I had no time to discover more. We drank

together before we parted, and I was very pleased to see the honest look

in his face. With more leisure and born to greater opportunities he

would have been talked about, this Man of Malplaquet. He had come to his

odd conclusions as the funny people do in Scandinavia and in Russia, and

among the rich intellectuals and usurers in London and Berlin; but he

was a jollier man than they are, for he could drive a horse and lie

about it, and he could also milk a cow. As we parted he used a phrase

that wounded me, and which I had only heard once before in my life. He

said:

"We shall never see each other again!"

Another man had once said this thing to me before. This man was a farmer

in the Northumbrian hills, who walked with me a little way in the days

when I was going over Carter Fell to find the Scots people, many, many

years ago. He also said: "We shall never meet again!"








BELLOC-FIRST AND LAST - The Great Sight