APOLOGIA CONTRA ARIANOS
DEFENCE AGAINST THE ARIANS
INTRODUCTION.
I. I supposed that, after so many proofs of my innocence had been given,
my enemies would have shrunk from further enquiry, and would now have
condemned themselves for their false accusations of others. But as they are
not yet abashed, though they have been so clearly convicted, but, as
insensible to shame, persist in their slanderous reports against me,
professing to think that the whole matter ought to be tried over again (not
that they may have judgment passed on them, for that they avoid, but in order
to harass me, and to disturb the minds of the simple); I therefore thought it
necessary to make my defence unto you, that you may listen to their murmurings
no longer, but may denounce their wickedness and base calumnies. And it is
only to you, who are men of sincere minds, that I offer a defence: as for the
contentious, I appeal confidently to the decisive proofs Which I have against
them. For my cause needs no further judgment; for judgment has already been
given, and not once or twice only, but many times. First of all, it was tried
in my own country in an assembly of nearly one hundred of its Bishops[10]; a
second time at Rome, when, in consequence of letters from Eusebius, both they
and we were summoned, and more than fifty Bishops met[11]; and a third time in
the great Council assembled at Sardica by order of the most religious Emperors
Constantius and Constans, when my enemies were degraded as false accusers, and
the sentence that was passed in my favour received the suffrages of more than
three hundred Bishops, out of the provinces of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis,
Palestine, Arabia, Isauria, Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycia, Galatia, Dacia, Moesia,
Thrace, Dardania, Macedonia, Epirus, Thessaly, Achaia, Crete, Dalmatia,
Siscia, Pannonia, Noricum, Italy, Picenum, Tuscany, Campania, Calabria,
Apulia, Bruttia, Sicily, the whole of Africa, Sardinia, Spain, Gaul, and
Britain.
Added to these was the testimony[1] of Ursacius and Valens, who had
formerly calumniated me, but afterwards changed their minds, and not only gave
their assent to the sentence that was passed in my favour, but also confessed
that they themselves and the rest of my enemies were false accusers; for men
who make such a change and such a recantation of course reflect upon Eusebius
and his fellows, for with them they had contrived the plot against me. Now
after a matter has been examined and decided on such clear evidence by so many
eminent Bishops, every one will confess that further discussion is
unnecessary; else, if an investigation be instituted at this time, it may be
again discussed and again investigated, and there will be no end to such
trifling.
2. Now the decision of so many Bishops was sufficient to confound those
who would still fain pretend some charge against me. But when my enemies also
bear testimony in my favour and against themselves, declaring that the
proceedings against me were a conspiracy, who is there that would not be
ashamed to doubt any longer? The law requires that in the mouth of two or
three witnesses[2] judgments shall be settled, and we have here this great
multitude of witnesses in my favour, with the addition of the proofs afforded
by my enemies; so much so that those who still continue opposed to me no
longer attach any importance to their own arbitrary[3] judgment, but now have
recourse to violence, and in the place of fair reasoning seek to injure[4]
those by whom they were
exposed. For this is the chief cause of vexation to them, that the measures
they carried on in secret, contrived by themselves in a corner, have been
brought to light and disclosed by Valens and Ursacius; for they are well aware
that their recantation while it clears those whom they have injured, condemns
themselves.
Indeed this led to their degradation in the Council of Sardica, as
mentioned before; and with good reason; for, as the Pharisees of old, when
they undertook the defence of Paul[5], fully exposed the conspiracy which they
and the Jews bad formed against him; and as the blessed David was proved to be
persecuted unjustly when the persecutor confessed, 'I have sinned, my son
David[6];' so it was with these men; being overcome by the truth they made a
request, and delivered it in writing to Julius, Bishop of Rome. They wrote
also to me requesting to be on terms of peace with me, though they have spread
such reports concerning me; and probably even now they are covered with shame,
on seeing that those whom they sought to destroy by the grace of the Lord are
still alive. Consistently also with this conduct they anathematized Arius and
his heresy; for knowing that Eusebius and his fellows had conspired against me
in behalf of their own misbelief, and of nothing else, as soon as they had
determined to confess their calumnies against me, they immediately renounced
also that antichristian heresy for the sake of which they had falsely asserted
them.
The following are the letters written in my favour by the Bishops in the
several Councils and first the letter of the Egyptian Bishops.
Encyclical Letter of the Council of Egypt.
The holy Council assembled at Alexandria out of Egypt, the Thebais, Libya, and
Pentapolis, to the Bishops of the Catholic Church everywhere, brethren beloved
and greatly longed for in the Lord, greeting.
3. Dearly beloved brethren, we might have put forth a defence of our
brother Athanasius as respects the conspiracy of Eusebius and his fellows
against him, and complained of his sufferings at their hands, and have exposed
all their false charges, either at the beginning of their conspiracy or upon
his arrival at Alexandria. But circumstances did not permit it then, as you
also know; and lately, after the return of the Bishop Athanasius, we thought
that they would be confounded and covered with shame at their manifest
injustice: in consequence we prevailed with ourselves to remain silent. Since,
however, after all his severe sufferings, after his retirement into Gaul,
after his sojourn in a foreign and far distant country in the place of his
own, after his narrow escape from death through their calumnies, but thanks to
the clemency of the Emperor,--distress which would have satisfied even the
most cruel enemy,--they are still insensible to shame, are again acting
insolently against the Church and Athanasius; and from indignation at his
deliverance venture on still more atrocious schemes against him, and are ready
with an accusation, fearless of the words in holy Scripture[7], 'A false
witness shall not be unpunished;' and, 'The mouth that belieth slayeth the
soul;' we therefore are unable longer to hold our peace, being amazed at their
wickedness and at the insatiable love of contention displayed in their
intrigues.
For see, they cease not to disturb the ear of royalty with fresh reports
against us; they cease not to write letters of deadly import, for the
destruction of the Bishop who is the enemy of their impiety. For again have
they written to the Emperors against him; again they wish to conspire against
him, charging him with a butchery which has never taken place; again they wish
to shed his blood, accusing him of a murder that never was committed (for at
that former time would they have murdered him by their calumnies, had we not
had a kind Emperor); again they are urgent, to say the least, that he should
be sent into banishment, while they pretend to lament the miseries of those
alleged to have been exiled by him. They lament before us things that have
never been done, and, not satisfied with what has been done to him, desire to
add thereto other and more cruel treatment. So mild are they and merciful, and
of so just a disposition; or rather (for the truth shall be spoken) so wicked
are they and malicious; obtaining respect through fear and by threats, rather
than by their piety and justice, as becomes Bishops. They have dared in their
letters to the Emperors to pour forth language such as no contentious person
would employ even among those that are without; they have charged him with a
number of murders and butcheries, and that not before a Governor, or any other
superior officer, but before the three Augusti; nor shrink they from any
journey however long, provided only all greater courts may be filled with
their accusations. For indeed, dearly beloved, their business consists in
accusations, and that of the most solemn character, forasmuch as the
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tribunals to which they make their appeal are the most solemn of any upon
earth. And what other end do they propose by these investigations, except to
move the Emperor to capital punishment?
4. Their own conduct therefore, and not that of Athanasius, is the fittest
subject for lamentation and mourning, and one would more properly lament them,
for such actions ought to be bewailed, since it is written, 'Weep ye not for
the dead, neither bemoan him: but weep sore for him that goeth away, for he
shall return no more[8].' For their whole letter contemplates nothing but
death; and their endeavour is to kill, whenever they may be permitted, or if
not, to drive into exile. And this they were permitted to do by the most
religious father of the Emperors, who gratified their fury by the banishment
of Athanasius[9], instead of his death. Now that this is not the conduct even
of ordinary Christians, scarcely even of heathens, much less of Bishops, who
profess to teach others righteousness, we suppose that your Christian
consciences must at once perceive. How can they forbid others to accuse their
brethren, who themselves become their accusers, and that to the Emperors? How
can they teach compassion for the misfortunes of others, who cannot rest
satisfied even with our banishment? For there was confessedly a general
sentence of banishment against us Bishops, and we all looked upon ourselves as
banished men: and now again we consider ourselves as restored with Athanasius
to our native places, and instead of our former lamentations and mourning over
him, as having the greatest encouragement and grace,-which may the Lord
continue to us, nor suffer Eusebius and his fellows to destroy?
Even if their charges against him were true, here is a certain charge
against them, that against the precept of Christianity, and after his
banishment and trials, they have assaulted him again, and accuse him of
murder, and butchery, and other crimes, which they sound in the royal ears
against the Bishops. But how manifold is their wickedness, and what manner of
men think you them, when every word they speak is false, every charge they
bring a calumny, and there is no truth whatever either in their mouths or
their writings! Let us then at length enter upon these matters, and meet their
last charges. This will prove, that in their former representations in the
Council[1] and at the trial their conduct was dishonourable, or rather their
words untrue, besides exposing them for what they have now advanced.
5. We are indeed ashamed to make any defence against such charges. But
since our reckless accusers lay hold of any charge, and allege that murders
and butchcries were committed after the return of Athanasius, we beseech you
to bear with our answer though it be somewhat long; for circumstances
constrain as. No murder has been committed either by Athanasius or on his
account, since our accusers, as we said before, compel us to enter upon this
humiliating defence. Slaughter and imprisonment are foreign to our Church. No
one did Athanasius commit into the hands of the executioner; and the prison,
so far as he was concerned, was never disturbed. Our sanctuaries are now, as
they have always been, pure, and honoured only with the Blood of Christ and
His pious worship. Neither Presbyter nor Deacon was destroyed by Athanasius;
he perpetrated no murder, he caused the banishment of no one. Would that they
had never caused the like to him, nor given him actual experience of it ! No
one here has been banished on his account; no one at all except Athanasius
himself, the Bishop of Alexandria, whom they banished, and whom, now that he
is restored, they again seek to entangle in the same or even a more cruel plot
than before, setting their tongues to speak all manner of false and deadly
words against him.
For, behold, they now attribute to him the acts of the magistrates; and
although they plainly confess in their letter that the Prefect of Egypt passed
sentence upon certain persons, they now are not ashamed to impute this
sentence to Athanasius; and that, though he had not at the time entered
Alexandria, but was yet on his return from his place of exile. Indeed he was
then in Syria; since we must needs adduce in defence his length of way from
home, that a man may not be responsible for the actions of a Governor or
Prefect of Egypt. But supposing Athanasius had been in Alexandria, what were
the proceedings of the Prefect to Athanasius? However, he was not even in the
country; and what the Prefect of Egypt did was not done on ecclesiastical
grounds, but for reasons which you will learn from the records, which, after
we understood what they had written, we made diligent enquiry for, and have
transmitted to you. Since then they now raise a cry against certain things
which were never done either by him or for him, as though they had certainly
taken place, and testify against such evils as though they were assured of
their existence; let them
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inform us from what Council they obtained their knowledge of them, from what
proofs, and from what judicial investigation? But if they have no such
evidence to bring forward, and nothing but their own mere assertion, we leave
it to you to consider as regards their former charges also, how the things
took place, and why they so speak of them. In truth, it is nothing but
calumny, and a plot of our enemies, and a temper of ungovernable mood, and an
impiety in behalf of the Arian madmen which is frantic against true godliness,
and desires to root out the orthodox, so that henceforth the advocates of
impiety may preach without fear whatever doctrines they please. The history of
the matter is as follows :--
6. When Arius, from whom the heresy of the Arian madmen has its name, was
cast out of the Church for his impiety by Bishop Alexander, of blessed memory,
Eusebius and his fellows, who are the disciples and partners of his impiety,
considering themselves also to have been ejected, wrote frequently to Bishop
Alexander, beseeching him not to leave the heretic Arius out of the Church[2].
But when Alexander in his piety towards Christ refused to admit that impious
man, they directed their resentment against Athanasius, who was then a Deacon,
because in their busy enquiries they had heard that he was much in the
familiarity of Bishop Alexander, and much honoured by him. And their hatred of
him was greatly increased after they had experience of his piety towards
Christ, in the Council assembled at Nicaea[3], wherein he spoke boldly against
the impiety of the Arian madmen. But when God raised him to the Episcopate,
their long-cherished malice burst forth into a flame, and fearing his
orthodoxy and resistance of their impiety, they (and especially Eusebius[4],
who was smitten with a consciousness of his own evil doings), engaged in all
manner of treacherous designs against him. They prejudiced the Emperor against
him; they frequently threatened him with Councils; and at last assembled at
Tyre; and to this day they cease not to write against him, and are so
implacable that they even find fault with his appointment to the
Episcopate[5], taking every means of shewing their enmity and hatred towards
him, and spreading false reports for the sole purpose of thereby vilifying his
character.
However, the very misrepresentations which they now are making do but
convict their former statements of being falsehoods, and a mere conspiracy
against him. For they say, that 'after the death of Bishop Alexander, a
certain few having mentioned the name of Athanasius, six or seven Bishops
elected him clandestinely in a secret place:' and this is what they wrote to
the Emperors, having no scruple about asserting the greatest falsehoods. Now
that the whole multitude and all the people of the Catholic Church assembled
together as with one mind and body, and cried, shouted, that Athanasius should
be Bishop of their Church, made this the subject of their public prayers to
Christ, and conjured us to grant it for many days and nights, neither
departing themselves from the Church, nor suffering us to do so; of all this
we are witnesses, and so is the whole city, and the province too. Not a word
did they speak against him, as these persons represented, but gave him the
most excellent titles they could devise, calling him good, pious, Christian,
an ascetic[5], a genuine Bishop. And that he was elected by a majority of our
body in the sight and with the acclamations of all the people, we who elected
him also testify, who are surely more credible witnesses than those who were
not present, and now spread these false accounts.
But yet Eusebius finds fault with the appointment of Athanasius,--he who
perhaps never received any appointment to his office at all; or if he did, has
himself rendered it invalid[6]. For he had first the See of Berytus, but
leaving that he came to Nicomedia. He left the one contrary to the law, and
contrary to the law invaded the other; having deserted his own without
affection, and holding possession of another's without reason; he
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lost his love for the first in his lust for another, without even keeping to
that which he obtained at the prompting of his lust. For, behold, withdrawing
himself from the second, again he takes possession of another's[6a], casting
an evil eye all around him upon the cities of other men, and thinking that
godliness[7] consists in wealth and in the greatness of cities, and making
light of the heritage of God to which he had been appointed; not knowing that
'where' even 'two or three are gathered in the name of the' Lord, 'there' is
the Lord 'in the midst of them;' not considering the words of the Apostle, 'I
will not boast in another man's labours;' not perceiving the charge which he
has given, 'Art thou bound unto a wife? seek not to be loosed.' For if this
expression applies to a wife, how much more does it apply to a Church, and to
the same Episcopate; to which whosoever is bound ought not to seek another,
lest he prove an adulterer according to holy Scripture.
7. But though conscious of these his own misdoings, he has boldly
undertaken to arraign the appointment of Athanasius, to which honourable
testimony has been borne by all, and he ventures to reproach him with his
deposition, though he has been deposed himself, and has a standing proof of
his deposition in the appointment of another in his room. How could either he
or Theognius[8] depose another, after they had been deposed themselves, which
is sufficiently proved by the appointment of others in their room? For you
know very well that there were appointed instead of them Amphion to Nicomedia
and Chrestus to Nicaea, in consequence of their own impiety and connection
with the Arian madmen, who were rejected by the Ecumenic Council But while
they desire to set aside that true Council, they endeavour to give that name
to their own unlawful combination[9]; while they are unwilling that the
decrees of the Council should be enforced, they desire to enforce their own
decisions; and they use the name of a Council, while they refuse to submit
themselves to one so great as this. Thus they care not for Councils, but only
pretend to do so in order that they may root out the orthodox, and annul the
decrees of the true and great Council against the Arians, in support of whom,
both now and heretofore, they have ventured to assert these falsehoods against
the Bishop Athanasius. For their former statements resembled those they now
falsely make, viz., that disorderly meetings were held at his entrance[10],
with lamentation and mourning, the people indignantly refusing to receive him.
Now such was not the case, but, quite the contrary, joy and cheerfulness
prevailed, and the people ran together, hastening to obtain the desired sight
of him. The churches were full of rejoicings, and thanksgivings were offered
up to the Lord everywhere; and all the Ministers and Clergy beheld him with
such feelings, that their souls were possessed with delight, and they esteemed
that the happiest day of their lives. Why need we mention the inexpressible
joy that prevailed among us Bishops, for we have already said that we counted
ourselves to have been partakers in his sufferings?
8. Now this being confessedly the truth of the matter, although it is very
differently represented by them, what weight can be attached to that Council
or trial of which they make their boast? Since they presume thus to interfere
in a case which they did not witness, which they have not examined, and for
which they did not meet, and to write as though they were assured of the truth
of their statements, how can they claim credit respecting these matters for
the consideration of which they say that they did meet together? Will it not
rather be believed that they have acted both in the one case and in the other
out of enmity to us? For what kind of a Council of Bishops was then held? Was
it an assembly which aimed at the truth? Was not almost every one among them
our enemy[1]? Did not the attack of Eusebius and his fellows upon us proceed
from their zeal for the Arian madness? Did they not urge on the others of
their party? Have we not always written against them as professing the
doctrines of Arius? Was not Eusebius of Caesarea in Palestine accused by our
confessors of sacrificing to idols[2]? Was not George proved to have been
deposed by the blessed Alexander[3]? Were not they charged with various
offences, some with this, some with that?
How then could such men entertain the purpose of holding a meeting against
us?
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How can they have the boldness to call that a Council, at which a Count
presided, which an executioner attended, and where an usher[4] instead of the
Deacons of the Church introduced us into Court; and where the Count only
spoke, and all present held their peace, or rather obeyed his directions?
The removal of those Bishops who seemed to deserve it was prevented at his
desire; and when he gave the order we were dragged about by soldiers;--or
rather Eusebius and his fellows gave the order, and he was subservient to
their will. In short, dearly beloved, what kind of Council was that, the
object of which was banishment and murder at the pleasure of the Emperor? And
of what nature were their charges?--for here is matter of still greater
astonishment. There was one Arsenius whom they declared to have been murdered;
and they also complained that a chalice belonging to the sacred mysteries had
been broken.
Now Arsenius is alive, and prays to be admitted to our communion. He waits
for no other testimony to prove that he is still living, but himself confesses
it, writing in his own person to our brother Athanasius, whom they positively
asserted to be his murderer. The impious wretches were not ashamed to accuse
him of having murdered a man who was at a great distance from him, being
separated by so great a distance, whether by sea or land, and whose abode at
that time no one knew. Nay, they even had the boldness to remove him out of
sight, and place him in concealment, though he had suffered no injury; and, if
it had been possible, they would have transported him to another world, nay,
or have taken him from life in earnest, so that either by a true or false
statement of his murder they might in good earnest destroy Athanasius. But
thanks to divine Providence for this also which permitted them not to succeed
in their injustice, but presented Arsenius[6] alive to the eyes of all men,
who has clearly proved their conspiracy and calumnies. He does not withdraw
from us as murderers, nor hate us as having injured him (for indeed he has
suffered no evil at all); but he desires to hold communion with us; he wishes
to be numbered t among us, and has written to this effect.
9. Nevertheless they laid their plot against Athanasius, accusing him of
having murdered a person who was still alive; and those same men are the
authors of his banishment[7]. For it was not the father of the Emperors, but
their calumnies, that sent him into exile. Consider whether this is not the
truth. When nothing was discovered to the prejudice of our fellow-minister
Athanasius, but still the Count threatened him with violence, and was very
zealous against him, the Bishop[8] fled from this violence and went up[9] to
the most religious Emperor, where he protested against the Count and their
conspiracy against him, and requested either that a lawful Council of Bishops
might be assembled, or that the Emperor would himself receive his defence
concerning the charges they brought against him. Upon this the Emperor wrote
in anger, summoning them before him, and declaring that he would hear the
cause himself, and for that purpose he also ordered a Council to be held.
Whereupon Eusebius and his fellows went up and falsely charged Athanasius, not
with the same offences which they had published against him at Tyre, but with
an intention of detaining the vessels laden with corn, as though Athanasius
had been the man to pretend that he could stop the exports of corn from
Alexandria to Constantinople[10].
Certain of our friends were present at the palace with Athanasius, and
heard the threats of the Emperor upon receiving this report And when
Athanasius cried out upon the calumny, and positively declared that it was not
true, (for how, he argued, should he a poor man, and in a private station, be
able to do such a thing?) Eusebius did not hesitate publicly to repeat the
charge, and swore that Athanasius was a rich man, and powerful, and able to do
anything; in order that it might thence be supposed that he had used this
language. Such was the accusation these venerable Bishops proffered against
him. But the grace of God proved superior to their wickedness, for it moved
the pious Emperor to mercy, who instead of death passed upon him the sentence
of banishment. Thus their calumnies, and nothing else, were the cause of this.
For the Emperor, in the letter which he previously wrote, complained of their
conspiracy, censured their machinations, and condemned the Meletians as
unscrupulous and deserving of execration; in short, expressed himself in the
severest terms concerning them. For he was greatly moved when he heard the
story of the dead alive; he was moved at hearing of
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murder in the case of one alive, and not deprived of life. We have sent you
the letter.
10. But these marvellous men, Eusebius and his fellows, to make a show of
refuting the truth of the case, and the statements contained in this letter,
put forward the name of a Council, and ground its proceedings upon the
authority of the Emperor. Hence the attendance of a Count at their meeting,
and the soldiers as guards of the Bishops, and royal letters compelling the
attendance of any persons whom they required. But observe here the strange
character of their machinations, and the inconsistency of their bold measures,
so that by some means or other they may take Athanasius away from us. For if
as Bishops they claimed for themselves alone the judgment of the case, what
need was there for the attendance of a Count and soldiers? or how was it that
they assembled under the sanction of royal letters? Or if they required the
Emperor's countenance and wished to derive their authority from him why were
they then annulling his judgment? and when he declared in the letter which he
wrote, that the Meletians were calumniators, unscrupulous, and that Athanasius
was most innocent, and made much stir about the pretended murder of the
living, how was it that they determined that the Meletians had spoken the
truth, and that Athanasius was guilty of the offence; and were not ashamed to
make the living dead, living both after the Emperor's judgment, and at the
time when they met together, and who even until this; day is amongst us? So
much concerning the case of Arsenius.
11. And as for the cup belonging to the mysteries, what was it, or where
was it broken by Macarius? for this is the report which they spread up and
down. But as for Athanasius, even his accusers would not have ventured to
blame him, had they not been suborned by them. However, they attribute the
origin of the offence to him; although it ought not to be imputed even to
Macarius who is clear of it. And they are not ashamed to parade the sacred
mysteries before Catechumens, and worse than that, even before heathens[1]:
whereas, they ought to attend to what is written, 'It is good to keep close
the secret of a king[2];' and as the Lord has charged us, 'Give not that which
is holy unto the dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine[3].' We ought
not then to parade the holy mysteries before the uninitiated, lest the heathen
in their ignorance deride them, and the Catechumens being over-curious be
offended. However, what was the cup, and where and before whom was it broken?
It is the Meletians who make the accusation, who are not worthy of the least
credit, for they have been schismatics and enemies of the Church, not of a
recent date, but from the times of the blessed Peter, Bishop and Martyr[4].
They formed a conspiracy against Peter himself; they calumniated his successor
Achillas; they accused Alexander even before the Emperor; and being thus well
versed in these arts, they have now transferred their enmity to Athanasius,
acting altogether in accordance with their former wickedness. For as they
slandered those that have been before him, so now they have slandered him. But
their calumnies and false accusations have never prevailed against him until
now, that they have got Eusebius and his fellows for their assistants and
patrons, on account of the impiety which these have adopted from the Arian
madmen, which has led them to conspire against many Bishops, and among the
rest Athanasius.
Now the place where they say the cup was broken, was not a Church; there
was no Presbyter in occupation of the place; and the day on which they say
that Macarius did the deed, was not the Lord's day. Since then there was no
church there; since there was no one to perform the sacred office; and since
the day did not require the use of its; what was this cup belonging to the
mysteries, and when, or where was it broken? There are many cups, it is plain,
both in private houses, and in the public market; and if a person breaks one
of them, he is not guilty of impiety. But the cup which belongs to the
mysteries, and which if it be broken intentionally, makes the perpetrator of
the deed an impious person, is found only among those who lawfully preside.
This is the only description that can be given of this kind of cup; there is
none other; this you legally give to the people to drink; this you have
received according to the canon of the Church[6]; this belongs only to those
who preside over the Catholic Church. for to you only it appertains to
administer the Blood of Christ, and to none besides. But as he who breaks the
cup belonging to the mysteries is an impious person, much more impious is he
who treats the
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Blood of Christ with contumely: and he does so who ' does this[7] ' contrary
to the rule of the Church. (We say this, not as if a cup even of the
schismatics was broken by Macarius, for there was no cup there at all; how
should there be? where there was neither Lord's house nor any the belonging to
the Church, nay, it was not the time of the celebration of the mysteries). Now
such a person is the notorious Ischyras, who was never appointed to his office
by the Church, and when Alexander admitted the Presbyters that had been
ordained by Meletius, he was not even numbered amongst them; and therefore did
not receive ordination even from that quarter.
12. By what means then did Ischyras become a Presbyter? who was it that
ordained him? was it Colluthus? for this is the only supposition that remains.
But it is well known and no one has any doubt about the matter that Colluthus
died a Presbyter, and that every ordination of his was invalid, and that all
that were ordained by him during the schism were reduced to the condition of
laymen, and in that rank appear in the congregation. How then can it be
believed that a private person, occupying a private house had in his
possession a sacred chalice? But the truth is, they gave the name of Presbyter
at the time to a private person, and gratified him with this title to support
him in his iniquitous conduct towards us; and now as the reward of his
accusations they procure for him the erection of a Church[8]. So that this man
had then no Church; but as the reward of his malice and subserviency to them
in accusing us, he receives now what he had not before; nay, perhaps they have
even remunerated his services with the Episcopate, for so he goes about
reporting, and accordingly behaves towards us with great insolence. Thus are
such rewards as these now bestowed by Bishops upon accusers and calumniators
though indeed it is reasonable, in the case of an accomplice, that as they
have made him a partner in their proceedings, so they should also make him
their associate in their own Episcopate. But this is not all; give ear yet
further to their proceedings at that time.
13. Being unable to prevail against the truth, though they bad thus set
themselves in array against it, and Ischyras having proved nothing at Tyre,
but being shewn to be a calumniator, and the calumny ruining their plot, they
defer proceedings for flesh evidence, and profess that they are going to send
to the Mareotis certain of their party to enquire diligently into the matter.
Accordingly they dispatched secretly, with the assistance of the civil power,
persons to whom we openly objected on many accounts, as being of the party of
Arius, and therefore our enemies; namely, Diognius[9], Maris, Theodorus,
Macedonius, and two others, young both in years and mind[9], Ursacius and
Valens from Pannonia; who, after they had undertaken this long journey for the
purpose of sitting in judgment upon their enemy, set out again from Tyre for
Alexandria. They did not shrink from becoming witnesses themselves, although
they were the judges, but openly adopted every means of furthering their
design, and undertook any labour or journey whatsoever in order to bring to a
successful issue the conspiracy which was in progress. They left the Bishop
Athanasius detained in a foreign country while they themselves entered their
enemy's city, as if to have their revel both against his Church and against
his people. And what was more outrageous still, they took with them the
accuser Ischyras, but would not permit Macarius, the accused person, to
accompany them, but left him in custody at Tyre. For 'Macarius the Presbyter
of Alexandria' was made answerable for the charge far and near.
14. They therefore entered Alexandria alone with the accuser, their
partner in lodging, board, and cup; and taking 'with them Philagrius the
Prefect of Egypt they proceeded to the Mareotis, and there carried on the
so-called investigation by themselves, all their own way, with the
forementioned person. Although the Presbyters frequently begged that they
might be present, they would not permit them. The Presbyters both of the city
and of the whole country desired to attend, that they might detect who and
whence the persons were who were suborned by Ischyras. But they forbade the
Ministers to be present, while they carried on the examination concerning
church, cup, table, and the holy things, before the heathen; nay, worse than
that, they summoned heathen witnesses during the enquiry concerning a cup
belonging to the mysteries; and those persons who they affirmed were taken out
of the way by Athanasius by summons of the Receiver-general, and they knew not
where in the world they were, these same individuals they brought forward
before themselves and the Prefect only, and avowedly used their testimony,
whom they affirmed without shame to have been secreted by the Bishop
Athanasius.
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But here too their only object is to effect his death, and so they again
pretend that persons are dead who are still alive, following the same method
they adopted in the case of Arsenius. For the men are living, and are to be
seen in their own country; but to you who are at a great distance from the
spot they make a great stir about the matter as though they had disappeared,
in order that, as the evidence is so far removed from you, they may falsely
accuse our brother-minister, as though he used violence and the civil power;
whereas they themselves have in all respects acted by means of that power and
the countenance of others. For their proceedings in the Mareotis were parallel
to those at Tyre; and as there a Count attended with military assistance, and
would permit nothing either to be said or done contrary to their pleasure, so
here also the Prefect of Egypt was present with a band of men, frightening all
the members of the Church, and permitting no one to give true testimony. And
what was the strangest thing of all, the persons who came, whether as judges
or witnesses, or, what was more likely, in order to serve their own purposes
and those of Eusebius, lived in the same place with the accuser, even in his
house, and there seemed to carry on the investigation as they pleased.
15. We suppose you are not ignorant what outrages they committed at
Alexandria; for they are reported everywhere. Naked swords[10] were at work
against the holy virgins and brethren scourges were at work against their
persons, esteemed honourable in the sight of God, so that their feet were
lamed by the stripes, whose souls are whole and sound in purity and all good
works[1]. The trades were excited against them; and the heathen multitude was
set to strip them naked, to beat them, wantonly to insult them, and to
threaten them with their altars and sacrifices. And one coarse fellow, as
though license had now been given them by the Prefect in order to gratify the
Bishops, took hold of a virgin by the hand, and dragged her towards an altar
that happened to be near, imitating the practice of compelling to offer
sacrifice in time of persecution. When this was done, the virgins took to
flight, and a shout of laughter was raised by the heathen against the Church;
the Bishops being in the place, and occupying the very house where this was
going on; and from which, in order to obtain favour with them, the virgins
were assaulted with naked swords, and were exposed to all kinds of danger, and
insult, and wanton violence. And this treatment they received on a
fast-day[2], and at the hands of persons who themselves were feasting with the
Bishops indoors.
16. Foreseeing these things, and reflecting that the entrance of enemies
into a place is no ordinary calamity, we protested against this commission.
And Alexander[3], Bishop of Thessalonica, considering the same, wrote to the
people residing there, discovering the conspiracy, and testifying of the plot.
They indeed reckon him to be one of themselves, and account him a partner in
their designs; but they only prove thereby the violence they have exercised
towards him. For even the profligate Ischyras himself was only induced by fear
and violence to proceed in the matter, and was obliged by force to undertake
the accusation. As a proof of this, he wrote himself to our brother
Athanasius[4], confessing that nothing of the kind that was alleged had taken
place there, but that he was suborned to make a false statement. This
declaration be made, though he was never admitted by Athanasius as a
Presbyter, nor received such a title of grace from him, nor was entrusted by
way of recompense with the erection of a Church, nor expected the bribe of a
Bishopric; all of which he obtained from them in return for under, taking the
accusation. Moreover, his whole family held communion with us[5], which they
would not have done had they been injured in the slightest degree.
17. Now to prove that these things are facts and not mere assertions, we
have the testimony[6] of all the Presbyters of the Mareotis[7], who always
accompany the Bishop in his visitations, and who also wrote at the time
against Ischyras. But neither those of them who came to Tyre were allowed to
declare the truth[8], nor could those who remained in the Mareotis obtain
permission to refute the calumnies of Ischyras[9]. The copies also of the
letters of Alexander, and of the Presbyters, and of Ischyras will prove the
same thing. We have sent also the letter of the father of the Emperors, in
which he expresses his indignation that the murder of Arsenius was charged
upon any one while the man was still alive; as also his astonishment at the
variable and in-
109
consistent character of their accusations with respect to the cup i since at
one time they accused the Presbyter Macarius, at another the Bishop
Athanasius, of having broken it with his hands. He declares also on the one
hand that the Meletians are calumniators, and on the other that Athanasius is
perfectly innocent.
And are not the Meletians calumniators, and above all John[10], who after
coming into the Church, and communicating with us, after condemning himself,
and no longer taking any part in the proceedings respecting the cup, when he
saw Eusebius and his fellows zealously supporting the Arian madmen, though
they had not the daring to co-operate with them openly, but were attempting to
employ others as their masks, undertook a character, as an actor in the
heathen theatres[1]? The subject of the drama was a contest of Arians; the
real design of the piece being their success, but John and his partizans being
put on the stage and playing the parts, in order that under colour of these,
the supporters of the Arians in the garb of judges might drive away the
enemies of their impiety, firmly establish their impious doctrines, and bring
the Arians into the Church. And those who wish to drive out true religion
strive all they can to prevail by irreligion; they who have chosen the part of
that impiety which wars against Christ, endeavour to destroy the enemies
thereof, as though they were impious persons; and they impute to us the
breaking of the cup, for the purpose of making it appear that Athanasins,
equally with themselves, is guilty of impiety towards Christ.
For what means this mention of a cup belonging to the mysteries by them?
Whence comes this religious regard for the cup among those who support impiety
towards Christ? Whence comes it that Christ's cup is known to them who know
not Christ? How can they who profess to honour that cup, dishonour the God of
the cup? or how can they who lament over the cup, seek to murder the Bishop
who celebrates the mysteries therewith? for they would have murdered him, had
it been in their power. And how can they who lament the loss of the throne
that was Episcopally covered[2], seek to destroy the Bishop that sat upon it,
to the end that both the throne may be without its Bishop, and that the people
may be deprived of godly doctrine? It was not then the cup, nor the murder,
nor any of those portentous deeds they talk about, that induced them to act
thus; but the forementioned heresy of the Arians, for the sake of which they
conspired against Athanasius other Bishops, and still continue to wage war
against the Church.
Who are they that have really been the cause of murders and banishments?
Is it not these? Who are they that, availing themselves of external support,
conspire against the Bishops? Are not Eusebius and his fellows the men, and
not Athanasius, as they say in their letters? Both he and others have
suffered at their hands. Even at the time of which we speak, four Presbyters
s of Alexandria, though they had not even proceeded to Tyre, were banished by
their means. Who then are they whose conduct calls for tears and lamentations?
Is it not they, who after they have been guilty of one course of persecution,
do not scruple to add to it a second, but have recourse to all manner of
falsehood, in order that they may destroy a Bishop who will not give way to
their impious heresy? Hence arises the enmity of Eusebius and his fellows;
hence their proceedings at Tyre; hence their pretended trials; hence also now
the letters which they have written even without any trial, expressing the
utmost confidence in their statements; hence their columnies before the father
of the Emperors, and before the most religious Emperors themselves.
18. For it is necessary that you should know what is now reported to the
prejudice of our fellow-minister Athanasius, in order that you may thereby be
led to condemn their wickedness, and may perceive that they desire nothing
else but to murder him. A quantity of corn was given by the father of the
Emperors for the support of certain widows, partly of Libya, and partly
certain out of Egypt. They have all received it up to this time, Athanasius
getting nothing therefrom, but the trouble of assisting them. But now,
although the recipients themselves make no complaint, but acknowledge that
they have received it, Athanasius has been accused of selling all the corn,
and appropriating the profits to his own use: and the Emperor wrote to this
effect about it, charging him with the offence in consequence of the calumnies
which had been raised against him. Now who are they which have raised these
calumnies? Is it not those who after they have been guilty of one course of
persecution, scruple not to set on foot another? Who are the authors of those
letters which are said to have come from the Emperor? Are not the Arians, who
are so zealous against Athanasius, and scruple not to speak and write anything
against him? No one would pass over persons
110
who have acted as they have done, in order to entertain suspicion of others.
Nay, the proof of their calumny appears to be most evident for they are
anxious under cover of it, to take away the corn from the Church, and to give
it to the Arians. And this circumstance more than any other, brings the matter
home to the authors of this design and their principals, who scrupled neither
to set on foot a charge of murder against Athanasius, as a base means of
prejudicing the Emperor against him, nor yet to take away from the Clergy of
the Church the subsistence of the poor, in order that in fact they might make
gain for the heretics.
19. We have sent also the testimony of our fellow-ministers in Libya,
Pentapolis, and Egypt, from which likewise you may learn the false accusations
which have been brought against Athanasius. And these things they do, in order
that, the professors of true godliness being henceforth induced by fear to
remain quiet, the heresy of the impious Arians may be brought in in its stead.
But thanks be to your piety, dearly beloved, that you have frequently
anathematized the Arians in your letters, and have never given them admittance
into the Church. The exposure of Eusebius and his fellows is also easy and
ready at hand. For behold, after their former letters concerning the Arians,
of which also we have sent you copies, they now openly stir up the Arian
madmen against the Church, though the whole Catholic Church has anathematized
them; they have appointed a Bishop[1] over them; they distract the Churches
with threats and alarms, that they may gain assistants in their impiety in
every part. Moreover, they send Deacons to the Arian madmen, who openly join
their assemblies; they write letters to them, and receive answers from them,
thus making schisms in the Church, and holding communion with them; and they
send to every part, commending their heresy, and repudiating the Church, as
you will perceive from the letters they have addressed to the Bishop of
Rome[2] and perhaps to yourselves also. You perceive therefore, dearly
beloved, that these things are not undeserving of vengeance: they are indeed
dreadful and alien from the doctrine of Christ.
Wherefore we have assembled together, and have written to you, to request
of your Christian wisdom to receive this our declaration and sympathize with
our brother Athanasius, and to shew your indignation against Eusebius and his
fellows who have essayed such things, in order that such malice and
wickedness may no longer prevail against the Church. We call upon you to be
the avengers of such injustice, reminding you of the injunction of the
Apostle, 'Put away from among yourselves that wicked person[3].' Wicked indeed
is their conduct, and unworthy of your communion. Wherefore give no further
heed to them, though they should again write to you against the Bishop
Athanasius (for all that proceeds from them is false); not even though they
subscribe their letter with names[4] of Egyptian Bishops. For it is evident
that it will not be we who write, but the Meletians[5], who have ever been
schismatics, and who even unto this day make disturbances and raise factions
in the Churches. For they ordain improper persons, and all but heathens; and
they are guilty of such actions as we are ashamed to set down in writing, but
which you may learn from those whom we have sent unto you, who will also
deliver to you our letter.
20. Thus wrote the Bishops of Egypt to all Bishops, and to Julius, Bishop
of Rome.
CHAPTER II.
Letter of Julius to the Eusebians at Antioch.
Eusebius and his fellows wrote also to Julius, and thinking to frighten
me, requested him to call a council, and to be himself the judge, if he so
pleased[6]. When therefore I went up to Rome, Julius wrote to Eusebius and his
fellows as was suitable, and sent moreover two of his own Presbyters[7],
Elpidius and Philoxenus[8]. But they, when they heard of me, were thrown into
confusion, as not expecting my going up thither; and they declined the
proposed Council, alleging unsatisfactory reasons for so doing, but in truth
they were afraid lest the things should be proved against them which Valens
and Ursacius afterwards confessed[9]. However, more than fifty Bishops
assembled, in the place where the Presbyter Vito held his congregation; and
they acknowledged my defence, and gave me the confirmation[1] both of their
communion and their love. On
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the other hand, they expressed great indignation against Eusebius and his
fellows, and requested that Julius would write to the following effect to
those of their number who had written to him. Which accordingly he did, and
sent it by the hand of Count Gabianus.
The Letter of Julius.
Julius to his dearly beloved brethren[2], Danius, Flacillus, Narcissus,
Eusebius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, and their friends, who have written to
me from Antioch, sends health in the Lord.
21. I have read your letter[3] which was brought to me by my Presbyters
Elpidius and Philoxenus, and I am surprised to find that, whereas I wrote to
you in charity and with conscious sincerity, you have replied to me in an
unbecoming and contentious temper; for the pride and arrogance of the writers
is plainly exhibited in that letter. Yet such feelings are inconsistent with
the Christian faith; for what was written in a charitable spirit ought
likewise to be answered in a spirit of charity and not of contention. And was
it not a token of charity to send Presbyters to sympathize with them that are
in suffering, and to desire those who had written to me to come thither, that
the questions at issue might obtain a speedy settlement, and all things be
duly ordered, so that our brethren might no longer be exposed to suffering,
and that you might escape further calumny? But something seems to shew that
your temper is such, as to force us to conclude that even in the terms in
which you appeared to pay honour to us, you have expressed yourselves under
the disguise of irony. The Presbyters also whom we sent to you, and who ought
to have returned rejoicing, did on the contrary return sorrowful on account
of the proceedings they had witnessed among you. And I, when I had read your
letter, after much consideration, kept it to myself, thinking that after all
some of you would come, and there would be no need to bring it forward, lest
if it should be openly exhibited, it should grieve many of our brethren here.
But when no one arrived, and it became necessary that the letter should be
produced, I declare to you, they were all astonished, and were hardly able to
believe that such a letter had been written by you at all; for it is expressed
in terms of contention rather than of charity.
Now if the author of it wrote with an ambition of exhibiting his power of
language, such a practice surely is more suitable for other subjects: in
ecclesiastical matters, it is not a display of eloquence that is needed, but
the observance of Apostolic Canons, and an earnest care not to offend one of
the little ones of the Church. For it were better for a man, according to the
word of the Church, that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and that he
were drowned in the sea, than that he should offend even one of the little
ones[4]. But if such a letter was written, because certain persons have been
aggrieved on account of their meanness of spirit towards one another (for I
will not impute it to all); it were better not to entertain any such feeling
of offence at all, at least not to let the sun go down upon their vexation;
and certainly not to give it room to exhibit itself in writing.
22. Yet what has been done that is a just cause of vexation? or in what
respect was my letter to you such? Was it, that I invited you to be present at
a council? You ought rather to have received the proposal with joy. Those who
have confidence in their proceedings, or as they choose to term them, in their
decisions, are not wont to be angry, if such decision is inquired into by
others; they rather shew all boldness, seeing that if they have given a just
decision, it can never prove to be the reverse. The Bishops who assembled in
the great Council of Nicaea agreed, not without the will of God, that the
decisions of one council should be examined in another[5], to the end that the
judges, having before their eyes that other trial which was to follow, might
be led to investigate matters with the utmost caution, and that the parties
concerned in their sentence might have assurance that the judgment they
received was just, and not dictated by the enmity of their
112
former judges. Now if you are unwilling that such a practice should be adopted
in your own case, though it is of ancient standing, and has been noticed and
recommended by the great Council, your refusal is not becoming; for it is
unreasonable that a custom which had once obtained in the Church, and been
established by councils, should be set aside by a few individuals.
For a further reason they cannot justly take offence in this point. When
the persons whom you, Eusebius and his fellows, dispatched with your letters,
I mean Macarius the Presbyter, and Martyrius and Hesychius the Deacons,
arrived here, and found that they were unable to withstand the arguments of
the Presbyters who came from Athanasius, but were confuted and exposed on all
sides, they then requested me to call a Council together, and to write to
Alexandria to the Bishop Athanasius, and also to Eusebius and his fellows, in
order that a just judgment might be given in presence of all parties. And they
undertook in that case to prove all the charges which had been brought against
Athanasius. For Martyrius and Hesychius had been publicly refuted by us, and
the Presbyters of the Bishop Athanasius had withstood them with great
confidence: indeed, if one must tell the truth, Martyrius and his fellows had
been utterly overthrown; and this it was that led them to desire that a
Council might be held. Now supposing that they had not desired a Council, but
that I had been the person to propose it, in discouragement of those who had
written to me, and for the sake of our brethren who complain that they have
suffered injustice; even in that case the proposal would have been reasonable
and just, for it is agreeable to ecclesiastical practice, and well pleasing to
God. But when those persons, whom you, Eusebius and his fellows, considered to
be trustworthy, when even they wished me to call the brethren together, it was
inconsistent in the parties invited to take offence, when they ought rather to
have shewn all readiness to be present. These considerations shew that the
display of anger in the offended persons is petulant, and the refusal of those
who decline to meet the Council is unbecoming, and has a suspicious
appearance. Does any one find fault, if he sees that done by another, which he
would allow if done by himself? If, as you write, each council has an
irreversible force, and he who has given judgment on a matter is dishonoured,
if his sentence is examined by others; consider, dearly beloved, who are they
that dishonour councils? who are setting aside the decisions of former judges?
Not to inquire at present into every individual case, lest I should appear to
press too heavily on certain parties, the last instance that has occurred, and
which every one who hears it must shudder at, will be sufficient in proof of
the others which I omit.
23. The Arians who were excommunicated for their impiety by Alexander, the
late Bishop of Alexandria, of blessed memory, were not only proscribed by the
brethren in the several cities, but were also anathematised by the whole body
assembled together in the great Council of NicAEa. For theirs was no ordinary
offence, neither had they sinned against man, but against our Lord Jesus
Christ Himself, the Son of the living God. And yet these persons who were
proscribed by the whole world, and branded in every Church, are said now to
have been admitted to communion again; which I think even you ought to hear
with indignation. Who then are the parties who dishonour a council? Are not
they who have set at nought the votes of the Three hundred[6], and have
preferred impiety to godliness? The heresy of the Arian madmen was condemned
and proscribed by the whole body of Bishops everywhere; but the Bishops
Athanasius and Marcellus have many supporters who speak and write in their
behalf. We have received testimony in favour of Marcellus[7], that he resisted
the advocates of the Arian doctrines in the Council of NicAEa; and in favour
of Athanasius[8], that at Tyre nothing was brought home to him, and that in
the Mareotis, where the Reports against him are said to have been drawn up, he
was not present. Now you know, dearly beloved, that ex parte proceedings are
of no weight, but bear a suspicious appearance. Nevertheless, these things
being so, we, in order to be accurate, and neither shewing any prepossession
in favour of yourselves, nor of those who wrote in behalf of the other party,
invited those who had written to us to come hither; that, since there were
many who wrote in their behalf, all things might be enquired into in a
council, and neither the guiltless might be condemned, nor the person on his
trial be accounted innocent. We then are not the parties who dishonour a
council, but they who at once and recklessly have received the Arians whom all
had condemned, and contrary to the decision of the judges. The greater part of
those judges have now departed, and are with Christ; but some of them are
still in this life of trial, and
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are indignant at learning that certain persons have set aside their judgment.
24. We have also been informed of the following circumstance by those who
were at Alexandria. A certain Carpones, who had been excommunicated by
Alexander for Arianism, was sent hither by one Gregory with certain others,
also excommunicated for the same heresy. However, I had learnt the matter also
from the Presbyter Macarius, and the Deacons Martyrius and Hesychius. For
before the Presbyters of Athanasius arrived they urged me to send letters to
one Pistus at Alexandria, though at the same time the Bishop Athanasius was
there. And when the Presbyters of the Bishop Athanasius came, they informed me
that this Pistus was an Arian, and that he had been excommunicated[9] by the
Bishop Alexander and the Council of NicAEa, and then ordained[1] by one
Secundus, whom also the great Council excommunicated as an Arian. This
statement Martyrius and his fellows did not gainsay, nor did they deny that
Pistus had received his ordination from Secundus. Now consider, after this who
are most justly liable to blame? I, who could not be prevailed upon to write
to the Arian Pistus; or those, who advised me to do dishonour to the great
Council, and to address the irreligious as if they were religious persons?
Moreover, when the Presbyter Macarius, who had been sent hither by Eusebius
with Martyrius and the rest, heard of the opposition which had been made by
the Presbyters of Athanasius, while we were expecting his appearance with
Martyrius and Hesychius, he departed in the night, in spite of a bodily
ailment; which leads us to conjecture that his departure arose from shame on
account of the exposure which had been made concerning Pistus. For it is
impossible that the ordination of the Arian Secundus should be considered
valid in the Catholic Church. This would indeed be dishonour to the Council,
and to the Bishops who composed it, if the decrees they framed, as in the
presence of God, with such extreme earnestness and care, should be set aside
as worthless.
25. If, as you write[2], the decrees of all Councils ought to be of force,
according to the precedent in the case of Novatus[3] and Paul of Samosata, all
the more ought not the sentence of the Three hundred to be reversed, certainly
a general Council ought not to be set at nought by a few individuals. For the
Arians are heretics as they, and the like sentence has been passed both
against one and the other. And, after such bold proceedings as these, who are
they that have lighted up the flame of discord? for in your letter you blame
us for having done this. Is it we, who have sympathised with the sufferings of
the brethren, and have acted in all respects according to the Canon ; or they
who contentiously and contrary to the Canon have set aside the sentence of the
Three hundred, and dishonoured the Council in every way? For not only have the
Arians been received into communion, but Bishops also have made a practice of
removing from one place to another[4]. Now if you really believe that all
Bishops have the same and equal authority[5], and you do not, as you assert,
account of them according to the magnitude of their cities; he that is
entrusted with a small city ought to abide in the place committed to him, and
not from disdain of his trust to remove to one that has never been put under
him; despising that which God has given him, and making much of the vain
applause of men. You ought then, dearly beloved, to have come and not
declined, that the matter may be brought to a conclusion; for this is what
reason demands.
But perhaps you were prevented by the time fixed upon for the Council, for
you complain in your letter that the interval before the day we appointed[6]
was too short. But this, beloved, is a mere excuse. Had the day forestalled
any when on the journey, the interval allowed would then have been proved to
be too short. But when persons do not wish to come, and detain even my
Presbyters up to the month of January[7], it is the mere excuse of those who
have no confidence in their cause; otherwise, as I said before, they would
have come, not regarding the length of the journey, not considering the
shortness of the time, but trusting to the justice and reasonableness of their
cause. But perhaps they did not come on account of the aspect of the times[8],
for again you declare in your letter, that we ought to have considered the
present circumstances of the East, and not to have urged you to come. Now if
as you say you did not come because the times were such, you ought to have
considered such times beforehand, and not to have become the authors of
schism, and of mourning and lamentation in the Churches. But as the matter
stands, men, who have been
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the cause of these things, shew that it is not the times that are to blame,
but the determination of those who will not meet a Council.
26. But I wonder also how you could ever have written that part of your
letter, in which you say, that I alone wrote, and not to all of you, but to
Eusebius and his fellows only. In this complaint one may discover more of
readiness to find fault than of regard for truth. I received the letters
against Athanasius from none other than Martyrius, Hesychius and their
fellows, and I necessarily wrote to them who had written against him. Either
then Eusebius and his fellows ought not alone to have written, apart from you
all, or else you, to whom I did not write, ought not to be offended that I
wrote to them who had written to me. If it was right that I should address my
letter to you all, you also ought to have written with them: but now
considering what was reasonable, I wrote to them, who had addressed themselves
to me, and had given me information. But if you were displeased because I
alone wrote to them, it is but consistent that you should also be angry,
because they wrote to me alone. But for this also, beloved, there was a fair
and not unreasonable cause. Nevertheless it is necessary that I should
acquaint you that, although I wrote, yet the sentiments I expressed were not
those of myself alone, but of all the Bishops throughout Italy and in these
parts. I indeed was unwilling to cause them all to write, test the others
should be overpowered by their number. The Bishops however assembled on the
appointed day, and agreed in these opinions, which I again write to signify to
you; so that, dearly beloved, although I alone address you, yet you may be
assured that these are the sentiments of all. Thus much for the excuses, not
reasonable, but unjust and suspicious, which some of you have alleged for your
conduct.
27. Now although what has already been said were sufficient to shew that
we have not admitted to our communion our brothers Athanasius and Marcellus
either too readily, or unjustly, yet it is but fair briefly to set the matter
before you. Eusebius and his fellows wrote formerly against Athanasius and his
fellows, as you also have written now; but a great number of Bishops out of
Egypt and other provinces wrote in his favour. Now in the first place, your
letters against him are inconsistent with one another, and the second have no
sort of agreement with the first, but in many instances the former are
answered by the latter, and the latter are impeached by the former. Now where
there is this contradiction in letters, no credit whatever is due to the
statements they contain. In the next place if you require us to believe what
you have written, it is lint consistent that we should not refuse credit to
those who have written in his favour; especially, considering that you write
from a distance, while they are on the spot, are acquainted with the man, and
the events which are occurring there, and testify in writing to his manner of
life, and positively affirm that he has been the victim of a conspiracy
throughout.
Again, a certain Bishop Arsenius was said at one time to have been made
away with by Athanasius, but we have learned that he is alive, nay, that he is
on terms of friendship with him. He has positively asserted that the Reports
drawn up in the Mareotis were ex parte ones; for that neither the Presbyter
Macarius, the accused party, was present, nor yet his Bishop, Athanasius
himself. This we have learnt, not only from his own mouth, but also from the
Reports which Martyrius, Hesychius and their fellows, brought to as[9]; for we
found on reading them, that the accuser Ischyras was present there, but
neither Macarius, nor the Bishop Athanasius; and that the Presbyters of
Athanasius desired to attend, but were not permitted. Now, beloved, if the
trial was to be conducted honestly, not only the accuser, but the accused also
ought to have been present. As the accused party Macarius attended at Tyre, as
well as the accuser Ischyras, when nothing was proved, so not only ought the
accuser to have gone to the Mareotis, but also the accused, so that in person
he might either be convicted, or by not being convicted might shew the
falseness of the accusation. But now, as this was not the case, but the
accuser only went out thither, with those to whom Athanasius objected, the
proceedings wear a suspicious appearance.
28. And he complained also that the persons who went to the Mareotis went
against his wish, for that Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, Ursacius, Valens, and
Macedonius, who were the persons they sent out, were of suspected character.
This he shewed not by his own assertions merely, but from the letter of
Alexander who was Bishop of Thessalonica; for he produced a letter written by
him to Dionysius[1], the Count who presided in the Council, in which he shews
most clearly that there was a conspiracy on foot against Athanasius. He has
also brought forward a genuine document, all in the handwriting of the accuser
Ischyras himself[2], in which he calls God Almighty to
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witness that no cup was broken, nor table overthrown, but that he had been
suborned by certain persons to invent these accusations. Moreover, when the
Presbyters of the Mareotis arrived[3], they positively affirmed that Ischyras
was not a Presbyter of the Catholic Church and that Macarius had not committed
any such offence as the other had laid to his charge. The Presbyters and
Deacons also who came to us testified in the fullest manner in favour of the
Bishop Athanasius, strenuously asserting that none of those things which were
alleged against him were true, but that he was the victim of a conspiracy.
And all the Bishops of Egypt and Libya wrote and protested[4] that his
ordination was lawful and strictly ecclesiastical, and that all that you had
advanced against him was false, for that no murder had been committed, nor any
persons despatched on his account, nor any cup broken, but that all was false.
Nay, the Bishop Athanasius also shewed from the ex parte reports drawn up in
the Mareotis, that a catechumen was examined and said[5], that he was within
with Ischyras, at the time when they say Macarius the Presbyter of Athanasius
burst into the place; and that others who were examined said,--one, that
Ischyras was in a small cell,--and another, that he was lying down behind the
door, being sick at that very time, when they say Macarius came thither. Now
from these representations of his, we are naturally led to ask the question,
How was it possible that a man who was lying behind the door sick could get
up, conduct the service, and offer? and how could it be that Oblations were
offered when catechumens were within[6]? for if there were catechumens
present, it was not yet the time for presenting the Oblations. These
representations, as I said,were made by the Bishop Athanasius, and he showed
from the reports, what was also positively affirmed by those who were with
him, that Ischyras has never been a presbyter at all in the Catholic Church,
nor has ever appeared as a presbyter in the assemblies of the Church; for not
even when Alexander admitted those of the Meletian schism, by the indulgence
of the great Council, was he named by Meletius among his presbyters, as they
deposed[7]; which is the strongest argument possible that he was not even a
presbyter of Meletius; for otherwise, he would certainly have been numbered
with the rest. Besides, it was shewn also by Athanasius from the reports, that
Ischyras had spoken falsely in other instances: for he set up a charge
respecting the burning of certain books, when, as they pretend, Macarius burst
in upon them, but was convicted of falsehood by the witnesses he himself
brought to prove it.
29. Now when these things were thus represented to us, and so many
witnesses appeared in his favour, and so much was advanced by him in his own
justification, what did it become us to do? what did the rule of the Church
require of us, but that we should not condemn him, but rather receive him and
treat him like a Bishop, as we have done? Moreover, besides all this he
continued here a year and six months[8], expecting the arrival of yourselves
and of whoever chose to come, and by his presence he put everyone to shame,
for he would not have been here, had he not felt confident in his cause; and
he came not of his own accord, but on an invitation by letter from us, in the
manner in which we wrote to you[9]. But still you complain after all of our
transgressing the Canons. Now consider; who are they that have so acted? we
who received this man with such ample proof of his innocence, or they who,
being at Antioch at the distance of six and thirty posts[1], nominated a
stranger to be Bishop, and sent him to Alexandria with a military force; a
thing which was not done even when Athanasius was banished into Gaul, though
it would have been done then, had he been really proved guilty of the offence.
But when he returned, of course he found his Church unoccupied and waiting for
him.
30. But now I am ignorant under what colour these proceedings have been
carried on. In the first place, if the truth must be spoken, it was not right,
when we had written to summon a council, that any persons should anticipate
its decisions: and in the next place, it was not fitting that such novel
proceedings should be adopted against the Church. For what canon of the
Church, or what Apostolical tradition warrants this, that when a Church was at
peace, and so many Bishops were in unanimity with Athanasius the Bishop of
Alexandria, Gregory should be sent thither, a stranger to the city, not having
been baptized
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there, nor known to the general body, and desired neither by Presbyters, nor
Bishops, nor Laity--that he should be appointed at Antioch, and sent to
Alexandria, accompanied not by presbyters, nor by deacons of the city, nor by
bishops of Egypt, but by soldiers? for they who came hither complained that
this was the case.
Even supposing that Athanasius was in the position of a criminal after the
Council, this appointment ought not to have been made thus illegally and
contrary to the rule of the Church, but the Bishops of the province ought to
have ordained one in that very Church, of that very Priesthood, of that very
Clergy[2]; and the Canons received from the Apostles ought not thus to be set
aside. Had this offence been committed against any one of you, would you not
have exclaimed against it, and demanded justice as for the transgression of
the Canons? Dearly beloved, we speak honestly, as in the presence of God, and
declare, that this proceeding was neither pious, nor lawful, nor
ecclesiastical. Moreover, the account which is given of the conduct of Gregory
on his entry into the city, plainly shews the character of his appointment. In
such peaceful times, as those who came from Alexandria declared them to have
been, and as the Bishops also represented in their letters, the Church was set
on fire; Virgins were stripped; Monks were trodden under foot; Presbyters and
many of the people were scourged and suffered violence; Bishops were cast into
prison; multitudes were dragged about from place to place; the holy
Mysteries[3], about which they accused the Presbyter Macarius, were seized
upon by heathens and cast upon the ground; and all to constrain certain
persons to admit the appointment of Gregory. Such conduct plainly shews who
they are that transgress the Canons. Had the appointment been lawful, he would
not have had recourse to illegal proceedings to compel the obedience of those
who in a legal way resisted him. And notwithstanding all this, you write that
perfect peace prevailed in Alexandria and Egypt. Surely not, unless the work
of peace is entirely changed, and you call such doings as these peace.
31. I have also thought it necessary to point out to you this
circumstance, viz. that Athanasius positively asserted that Macarius was kept
at Tyre under a guard of soldiers, while only his accuser accompanied those
who went to the Mareotis; and that the Presbyters who desired to attend the
inquiry were not permitted to do so, while the said inquiry respecting the cup
and the Table was carried on before the Prefect and his band, and in the
presence of Heathens and Jews. This at first seemed incredible, but it was
proved to have been so from the Reports; which caused great astonishment to
us, as I suppose, dearly beloved, it does to you also. Presbyters, who are the
ministers of the Mysteries, are not permitted to attend, but an enquiry
concerning Christ's Blood and Christ's Body is carried on before an external
judge, in the presence of Catechumens, nay, worse than that, before Heathens
and Jews, who are in ill repute in regard to Christianity. Even supposing that
an offense had been committed, it should have been investigated legally in the
Church and by the Clergy, not by heathens who abhor the Word and know not the
Truth. I am persuaded that both you and all men must perceive the nature and
magnitude of this sin. Thus much concerning Athanasius.
32. With respect to Marcellus[5], forasmuch as you have charged him also
of impiety towards Christ, I am anxious to inform you, that when he was here,
he positively declared that what you had written concerning him was not true;
but being nevertheless requested by us to give an account of his faith, he
answered in his own person with the utmost boldness, so that we recognised
that he maintain s nothing outside the truth. He made a confession[6] of the
same godly doctrines concerning our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ as the
Catholic Church confesses; and he affirmed that he had held these opinions for
a very long time, and had not recently adopted them: as indeed our
Presbyters[7], who were at a former date present at the Council of NicAEa,
testified to his orthodoxy; for he maintained then, as he has done now, his
opposition to Arianism (on which points it is right to admonish you, lest any
of you admit such heresy, instead of abominating it as alien from sound
doctrine[8]). Seeing then that he professed orthodox opinions, and had
testimony to his orthodoxy, what, I ask again in his case, ought we to have
done, except to receive him as a Bishop, as we did, and not reject him from
our communion? These things I have written, not so much for the purpose of
defending their cause,
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as in order to convince you, that we acted justly and canonically in receiving
these persons, and that you are contentious without a cause. But it is your
duty to use your anxious endeavours and to labour by every means to correct
the irregularities which have been committed contrary to the Canon, and to
secure the peace of the Churches; so that the peace of our Lord which has been
given to us[9] may remain, and the Churches may not be divided, nor you incur
the charge of being authors of schism. For I confess, your past conduct is an
occasion of schism rather than of peace.
33. For not only the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus and their fellows
came hither and complained of the injustice that had been done them, but many
other Bishops also[1], from Thrace, from Coele-Syria, from PhOEnicia and
Palestine, and Presbyters, not a few, and others from Alexandria and from
other parts, were present at the Council here, and in addition to their other
statements, lamented before all the assembled Bishops the violence and
injustice which the Churches had suffered, and affirmed that similar outrages
to those which had been committed in Alexandria had occurred in their own
Churches, and in others also. Again there lately came Presbyters with letters
from Egypt and Alexandria, who complained that many Bishops and Presbyters who
wished to come to the Council were prevented; for they said that, since the
departure of Athanasius[2] even up to this time, Bishops who are confessors[3]
have been beaten with stripes, that others have been cast into prison, and
that but lately aged men, who have been an exceedingly long period in the
Episcopate, have been given up to be employed in the public works, and nearly
all the Clergy of the Catholic Church with the people are the objects of plots
and persecutions. Moreover they said that certain Bishops and other brethren
had been banished for no other reason than to compel them against their will
to communicate with Gregory and his Arian associates. We have heard also from
others, what is confirmed by the testimony of the Bishop Marcellus, that a
number of outrages, similar to those which were committed at Alexandria, have
occurred also at Ancyra in Galatia[4]. And in addition to all this, those who
came to the Council reported against some of you (for I will not mention
names) certain charges of so dreadful a nature that I have declined setting
them down in writing: perhaps you also have heard them from others. It was for
this cause especially that I wrote to desire you to come, that you might be
present to hear them, and that all irregularities might be corrected and
differences healed. And those who were called for these purposes ought not to
have refused, but to have come the more readily, lest by failing to do so they
should be suspected of what was alleged against them, and be thought unable to
prove what they had written.
34. Now according to these representations, since the Churches are thus
afflicted and treacherously assaulted, as our informants positively affirmed,
who are they that have lighted up a flame of discords[5]? We, who grieve for
such a state of things and sympathize with the sufferings of the brethren, or
they who have brought these things about? While then such extreme confusion
existed in every Church, which was the cause why those who visited us came
hither, I wonder bow you could write that unanimity prevailed in the Churches.
These things tend not to the edification of the Church, but to her
destruction; and those who rejoice in them are not sons of peace, but of
confusion: but our God is not a God of confusion, but of peace[6]. Wherefore,
as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ knows, it was from a regard for
your good name, and with prayers that the Churches might not fall into
confusion, but might continue as they were regulated by the Apostles, that I
thought it necessary to write thus unto you, to the end that you might at
length put to shame those who through the effects of their mutual enmity have
brought the Churches to this condition. For I have heard, that it is only a
certain few[7] who are the authors of all these things.
Now, as having bowels of mercy, take ye care to correct, as I said before,
the irregularities which have been committed contrary to the Canon, so that if
any mischief has already befallen, it may be healed through your zeal. And
write not that I have preferred the communion of Marcellus and Athanasius to
yours, for such like complaints are no indications of peace, but of
contentiousness and hatred of the brethren. For this cause I have written the
foregoing, that you may understand that we acted not unjustly in admitting
them to our communion, and so may cease this strife. If
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you had come hither, and they had been condemned, and had appeared unable to
produce reasonable evidence in support of their cause, you would have done
well in writing thus. But seeing that, as I said before, we acted agreeably to
the Canon, and not unjustly, in holding communion with them, I beseech you for
the sake of Christ, suffer not the members of Christ to be torn asunder,
neither trust to prejudices, but seek rather the peace of the Lord. It is
neither holy nor just, in order to gratify the petty feeling of a few persons,
to reject those who have never been condemned and thereby to grieve the
Spirit[8]. But if you think that you are able to prove anything against them,
and to confute them face to face let those of you who please come hither: for
they also promised that they would be ready to establish completely the truth
of those things which they have reported to us.
35. Give us notice therefore of this, dearly beloved, that we may write
both to them, and to the Bishops who will have again to assemble, so that the
accused may be condemned in the presence of all, and confusion no longer
prevail in the Churches. What has already taken place is enough: it is enough
surely that Bishops have been sentenced to banishment in the presence of
Bishops; of which it behoves me not to speak at length, lest I appear to press
too heavily on those who were present on those occasions. But if one must
speak the truth, matters ought not to have proceeded so far; their petty
feeling ought not to have been suffered to reach the present pitch. Let us
grant the "removal," as you write, of Athanasius and Marcellus, front their
own places, yet what must one say of the case of the other Bishops and
Presbyters who, as I said before, came hither from various parts, and who
complained that they also had been forced away, and had suffered the like
injuries? O beloved, the decisions of the Church are no longer according to
the Gospel, but tend only to banishment and death[9]. Supposing, as you
assert, that some offence rested upon those persons, the case ought to have
been conducted against them, not after this manner, but according to the
Canon of the Church. Word should have been written of it to us all, that
so a just sentence might prceed from all. For the sufferers were Bishops, and
Churches of no ordinary note, but those which the Apostles themselves had
governed in their own persons[2].
And why was nothing said to us concerning the Church of the Alexandrians
in particular? Are you ignorant that the custom has been for word to be
written first to us, and then for a just decision to be passed from this
place[3]? If then any such suspicion rested upon the Bishop there, notice
thereof ought to have been sent to the Church of this place; whereas, after
neglecting to inform us, and proceeding on their own authority as they
pleased, now they desire to obtain our concurrence in their decisions, though
we never condemned him. Not so have the constitutions[4] of Paul, not so have
the traditions of the Fathers directed; this is another form of procedure, a
novel practice. I beseech you, readily bear with me: what I write is for the
common good. For what we have received from the blessed Apostle Peter s, that
I signify to you; and I should not have written this, as deeming that these
things were manifest unto all men, had not these proceedings so disturbed us.
Bishops are forced away from their sees and driven into banishment, while
others from different quarters are appointed in their place; others are
treacherously assailed, so that the people have to grieve for those who are
forcibly taken from them, while, as to those who are sent in their room, they
are obliged to give over seeking the man whom they desire, and to receive
those they do not.
I ask of you, that such things may no longer be, but that you will
denounce in writing those persons who attempt them; so that the Churches may
no longer be afflicted thus, nor any Bishop or Presbyter be treated with
insult, nor any one be compelled to act contrary to his judgment, as they have
represented to us, lest we become a laughing-stock among the heathen, and
above all, lest we excite the wrath of God
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against us. For every one of us shall give account in the Day of judgment[6]
of the things which he has done in this life. May we all be possessed with the
mind of God ! so that the Churches may recover their own Bishops, and rejoice
evermore in Jesus Christ our Lord; through Whom to the Father be glory, for
ever and ever. Amen.
I pray for your health in the Lord, brethren dearly beloved and greatly
longer for.
36. Thus wrote the Council of Rome by Julius, Bishop of Rome.
CHAPTER III.
Letters of the Council of Sardica to the Churches of Egypt and of Alexandria,
and to all Churches.
But when, notwithstanding, Eusebius and! his fellows proceeded without
shame, disturbing the Churches, and plotting the ruin of many, the most
religious Emperors Constantius and Constans being informed of this, commanded
the Bishops from both the West and East to meet together in the city of
Sardica. In the meantime Eusebius[6a] died: but a great number assembled from
all parts, and we challenged the associates of Eusebius and his fellows to
submit to a trial. But they, having before their eyes the things that they had
done, and perceiving that their accusers had come up to the Council, were
afraid to do this; but, while all besides met with honest intentions, they
again brought with them the Counts[7] Musonianus[8] and Hesychius the
Castrensian[9], that, as their custom was, they might effect their own aims by
their authority. But when the Council met without Counts, and no soldiers were
permitted to be present, they were con-rounded, and conscience-stricken,
because they could no longer obtain the judgment they wished, but such only as
reason and truth required. We, however, frequently repeated our challenge, and
the Council of Bishops called upon them to come forward, saying, "You have
come for the purpose of undergoing a trial; why then do you now withdraw
yourselves? Either you ought not to have come, or having come, not to conceal
yourselves. Such conduct will prove your greatest condemnation. Behold,
Athanasius and his fellows are here, whom you accused while absent; if
therefore you think that you have any thing against them, you may convict them
face to face. But if you pretend to be unwilling to do so, while in truth you
are unable, you plainly shew yourselves to be calumniators, and this is the
decision the Council will give you." When they heard this they were
self-condemned (for they were conscious of their machinations and fabrications
against us), and were ashamed to appear, thereby proving themselves to have
been guilty of many base calumnies.
The holy Council therefore denounced their indecent and suspicious
flight[1], and admitted us to make our defence; and when we had related their
conduct towards us, and proved the truth of our statements by witnesses and
other evidence, they were filled with astonishment, and all acknowledged that
our opponents had good reason to be afraid to meet the Council, lest their
guilt should be proved before their faces. They said also, that probably they
had come from the East, supposing that Athanasius and his fellows would not
appear, but that, when they saw them confident in their cause, and challenging
a trial, they fled. They accordingly received us as injured persons who had
been falsely accused, and confirmed yet more towards us their fellowship and
love. But they deposed Eusebius's associates in wickedness, who had become
even more shameless than himself, viz., Theodorus[2] of Heraclea, Narcissus of
Neronias, Acacius[3] of Caesarea, Stephanus[4] of Antioch, Ursacius and Valens
of Pannonia, Menophantus of Ephesus, and George[5] of Laodicaea; and they
wrote to the Bishops in all parts of the world, and to the diocese of each of
the injured persons, in the following terms.
Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Church
of Alexandria.
The Holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at Sardica, from[6] Rome,
Spain, Gaul, Italy, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Africa, Sardinia, Pannonia,
Moesia, Dacia, Noricum, Siscia, Dardania, the other Dacia, Macedonia,
Thessaly, Achaia, Epirus, Thrace, Rhodope, Palestine, Arabia, Crete, and
Egypt, to their beloved brothers, the Presbyters and Deacons, and to all the
Holy Church of God abiding at Alexandria, sends health in the Lord. 37. We
were not ignorant, but the fact was
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well known to us, even before we received the letters of your piety, that the
supporters of the abominated heresy of the Arians were practising many
dangerous machinations, rather to the destruction of their own souls, than to
the injury of the Church. For this has ever been the object of their
unprincipled craft; this is the deadly design in which they have been
continually engaged; viz. how they may best expel from their places and
persecute all who are to be found anywhere of orthodox sentiments, and
maintaining the doctrine of the Catholic Church, which was delivered to them
from the Fathers. Against some they have laid false accusations; others they
have driven into banishment; others they have destroyed by the punishments
inflicted on them. At any rate they endeavoured by violence and tyranny to
surprise the innocence of our brother and fellow-Bishop Athanasius, and
therefore conducted their enquiry into his case without any care, without any
faith, without any sort of justice. Accordingly having no confidence in the
part they had played on that occasion, nor yet in the reports they had
circulated against him, but perceiving that they were unable to produce any
certain evidence respecting the case, when they came to the city of Sardica,
they were unwilling to meet the Council of all the holy Bishops. From this it
became evident that the decision of our brother and fellow-Bishop Julius was a
just one[7]; for after cautious deliberation and care he had determined, that
we ought not to hesitate at all about communion with our brother Athanasius.
For he had the credible testimony of eighty Bishops, and was also able to
advance this fair argument in his support that by the mere means of our dearly
beloved brethren his own Presbyters, and by correspondence, he had defeated
the design of Eusebius and his fellows, who relied more upon violence than
upon a judicial enquiry.
Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined upon holding communion
with Athanasius on the ground that he was innocent. And let your charity also
observe, that when he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica, the
Bishops of the East were informed of the circumstance, as we said before, both
by letter, and by injunctions conveyed by word of mouth, and were invited by
us to be present. But, being condemned by their own conscience, they had
recourse to unbecoming excuses, and set themselves to avoid the enquiry. They
demanded that an innocent man should be rejected from our communion, as a
culprit, not considering how unbecoming, or rather how impossible, such a
proceeding was. And as for the Reports which were framed in the Mareotis by
certain most wicked and most abandoned youths s, to whose hands one would not
commit the very lowest office of the ministry, it is certain that they were ex
parte statements. For neither was our, brother the Bishop Athanasius present
on the occasion, nor the Presbyter Macarius who was accused by them. And
besides, their enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts, was attended
by the most disgraceful circumstances. Sometimes heathens, sometimes
Catechumens, were examined, not that they might declare what they knew, but
that they might assert those falsehoods which they had been taught by others.
And when you Presbyters, who were in charge in the absence of your Bishop,
desired to be present at the enquiry, in order that you might shew the truth,
and disprove the falsehoods, no regard was paid to you; they would not permit
you to be present, but drove you away with insult.
Now although their calumnies have been most plainly exposed before all men
by these circumstances; yet we found also, on reading the Reports, that the
most iniquitous Ischyras, who has obtained from them the empty title of Bishop
as his reward for the false accusation, had convicted himself of calumny. He
declares in the Reports that at the very time when, according to his positive
assertions, Macarius entered his cell, he lay there sick; whereas Eusebius and
his fellows had the boldness to write that Ischyras was standing up and
offering when Macarius came in.
38. The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged against him,
has become well-known to all men. They raised a great outcry, affirming that
Athanasius had committed murder, and had made away with one Arsenius a
Meletian Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned
lamentations and fictitious tears, and demanded that the body of a living man,
as if a dead one, should be given up to them. But their fraud was not
undetected; one and all knew that the person was alive, and was numbered among
the living. And when these men, who are ready upon any opportunity, perceived
their falsehoods detected (for Arsenius shewed himself alive, and so proved
that he had not been made away with, and was not dead), yet they would not
rest, but proceeded to add other to their former columnies[9], and to slander
the man by a fresh expedient. Well; our brother Athanasius, dearly beloved,
was not confounded, but again in the
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present case also with great boldness challenged them to the proof, and we too
prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if they were able, to
establish their charge against him. O great arrogance ! O dreadful pride! or
rather, if one must say the truth, O evil and accusing conscience ! for this
is the view which all men take of it.
Wherefore, beloved brethren, we admonish and exhort you, above all things
to maintain the right faith of the Catholic Church. You have undergone many
severe and grievous trials; many are the insults and injuries which the
Catholic Church has suffered, but 'he that endureth to the end, the same shall
be saved[1].' Wherefore even though they still recklessly assail you, let your
tribulation be unto you for joy. For such afflictions are a sort of martyrdom,
and such confessions and tortures as yours will not be without their reward,
but ye shall receive the prize froth God. Therefore strive above all things in
support of the sound faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and our
fellow-minister Athanasius. We also have not held our peace, nor been
negligent of what concerns your comfort, but have deliberated and done
whatsoever the claims of charity demand. We sympathize with our suffering
brethren, and their affliction! we consider as our own.
39. Accordingly we have written to beseech our most religious and godly
Emperors, that their kindness would give orders for the release of those who
are still suffering from affliction and oppression, and would command that
none of the magistrates, whose duty it is to attend only to civil causes, give
judgment upon Clergy[2], nor henceforward in any way, on pretence of providing
for the Churches, attempt anything against the brethren; but that every one
may live, as he prays and desires to do, free from persecution, from violence
and fraud, and in quietness and peace may follow the Catholic and Apostolic
Faith. As for Gregory, who has the reputation of being illegally appointed by
the heretics, and has been sent by them to your city, we wish your unanimity
to understand, that he has been deposed by a judgment of the whole sacred
Council, although indeed he has never at any time been considered to be a
Bishop at all. Wherefore receive gladly your Bishop Athanasius, for to this
end we have dismissed him in peace. And we exhort all those who either through
fear, or through the intrigues of certain persons, have held communion with
Gregory, that now being admonished, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they
withdraw from that his detestable communion, and straightway unite themselves
to the Catholic Church.
40. But forasmuch as we have learnt that Aphthonius, Athanasius the son of
Capito, Paul, and Plutio, our fellow Presbyters[3], have also suffered from
the machinations of Eusebius and his fellows, so that some of them have had
trial of exile, and others have fled on peril of their lives, we have in
consequence thought it necessary to make this known unto you, that you may
understand that we have received and acquitted them also, being aware that
whatever has been done by Eusebius and his fellows against the orthodox has
tended to the glory and commendation of those who have been attacked by them.
It were fitting that your Bishop and our brother Athanasius should make this
known to you respecting them, to his own respecting his own; but as for more
abundant testimony he wished the holy Council also to write to you, we
deferred not to do so, but hastened to signify this unto you, that you may
receive them as we have done, for they also are deserving of praise, because
through their piety towards Christ they have been thought worthy to endure
violence at the hands of the heretics.
What decrees have been passed by the holy Council against those who are at
the head of the Arian heresy, and have offended against you, and the rest of
the Churches, you will learn from the subjoined documents[4]. We have sent
them to you, that you may understand from them that the Catholic Church will
not overlook those who offend against her.
Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Bishops
of Egypt and Libya.
The holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at Sardica, to the Bishops
of Egypt and Libya, their fellow-ministers and dearly beloved brethren, sends
health in the Lord.
41. We were not ignorant[5], but the fact was well known to us, even
before we received the letters of your piety, that the supporters of the
abominated heresy of the Arians were practising many dangerous machinations,
rather to the destruction of their own souls, than to the injury of the
Church. For this has ever been the object of their craft and villainy: this is
the deadly design in which they have been continually engaged, viz. how they
may best expel from their places and persecute all who are to be found
anywhere of orthodox sentiments, and maintaining the doctrine of the
122
Catholic Church, which was delivered to them from the Fathers. Against some
they have laid false accusations; others they have driven into banishment;
others they have destroyed by the punishments inflicted on them. At any rate
they endeavoured by violence and tyranny to surprise the innocence of our
brother and fellow-Bishop Athanasius, and therefore conducted their enquiry
into his case without any faith, without any sort of justice. Accordingly
having no confidence in the part they had played on that occasion, nor yet in
the reports they had circulated against him, but perceiving that they were
unable to produce any certain evidence respecting the case, when they came to
the city of Sardica, they were unwilling to meet the Council of all the holy
Bishops. From this it became evident that the decision of our brother and
fellow-Bishop Julius was a just one; for after cautious deliberation and care
he had decided, that we ought not to hesitate at all about communion with our
brother Athanasius. For he had the credible testimony of eighty Bishops, and
was also able to advance this fair argument in his support, that by the mere
means of our dearly' beloved brethren his own Presbyters, and by
correspondence, he had defeated the designs of Eusebius and his fellows, who
relied more upon violence than upon a judicial inquiry.
Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined upon holding communion
with Athanasius on the ground that he was innocent. And let your charity also
observe, that when he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica, the
Bishops of the East were informed of the circumstance, as we said before, both
by letter, and by injunctions conveyed by word of mouth, and were invited by
us to be present. But, being condemned by their own conscience, they had
recourse to unbecoming excuses, and began to avoid the enquiry. They demanded
that an innocent man should be rejected from our communion, as a culprit, not
considering how unbecoming, or rather how impossible, such a proceeding was.
And as for the reports which were framed in the Mareotis by certain most
wicked and abandoned youths, to whose hands one would not commit the very
lowest office of the ministry, it is certain that they were ex parte
statements. For neither was our brother the Bishop Athanasius present on the
occasion, nor the Presbyter Macarius, who was accused by them. And besides,
their enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts, was attended by the
most disgraceful circumstances. Sometimes Heathens, sometimes Catechumens,
were examined, not that they might declare what they knew, but that they might
assert those falsehoods which they had been taught by others. And when you
Presbyters, who were in charge in the absence of your Bishop, desired to be
present at the enquiry, in order that you might shew the truth, and disprove
falsehood, no regard was paid to you; they would not permit you to be present,
but drove you away with insult.
Now although their calumnies have been most plainly exposed before all men
by these circumstances; yet we found also, on reading the Reports, that the
most iniquitous Ischyras, who has obtained from them the empty title of Bishop
as his reward for the false accusation, had convicted himself of calumny. He
declares in the Reports, that at the very time when, according to his positive
assertions, Macarius entered his cell, he lay there sick; whereas Eusebius and
his fellows had the boldness to write that Ischyras was standing offering when
Macarius came in.
42. The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged against him has
become well known unto all men. They raised a great outcry, affirming that
Athanasius had committed murder, and made away with one Arsenius a Meletian
Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned lamentations, and
fictitious tears, and demanded that the body of a living man, as if a dead
one, should be given up to them. But their fraud was not undetected; one and
all knew that the person was alive, and was numbered among the living. And
when these men, who are ready upon any opportunity, perceived their falsehood
detected (for Arsenius shewed himself alive, and so proved that he had not
been made away with, and was not dead), yet they would not rest, but proceeded
to add other to their former calumnies, and to slander the man by a fresh
expedient. Well: our brother Athanasius, dearly beloved, was not confounded,
but again in the present case also with great boldness challenged them to the
proof, and we too prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if they
were able, to establish their charge against him. O great arrogance ! O
dreadful pride ! or rather, if one must say the truth, O evil and accusing
conscience ! for this is the view which all men take of it.
Wherefore, beloved brethren, we admonish and exhort you, above all things,
to maintain the right faith of the Catholic Church. You have undergone many
severe and grievous trials; many are the insults and injuries which the
Catholic Church has suffered, but 'he that endureth to the end, the same shall
be saved[6].' Wherefore, even though they
123
shall still recklessly assail you, let your tribulation be unto you for joy.
For such afflictions are a sort of martyrdom, and such confessions and
tortures as yours will not be without their reward, but ye shall receive the
prize from God. Therefore strive above all things in support of the sound
Faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and our brother Athanasius. We also
have not held our peace, nor been negligent of what concerns your comfort, but
have deliberated and done whatsoever the claims of charity demand. We
sympathize with our suffering brethren, and their afflictions we consider as
our own, and have mingled our tears with yours. And you, brethren, are not the
only persons who have suffered: many others also of our brethren in ministry
have come hither, bitterly lamenting these things.
43. Accordingly, we have written to beseech our most religious and godly
Emperors, that their kindness would give orders for the release of those who
are still suffering from affliction and oppression, and would command that
none of the magistrates, whose duty it is to attend only to civil causes, give
judgment upon Clergy, nor henceforward in any way, on pretence of providing
for the Churches, attempt anything against the brethren, but that every one
may live, as he prays and desires to do, free front persecution, from violence
and fraud, and in quietness and peace may follow the Catholic and Apostolic
Faith. As for Gregory, who has the reputation of being illegally appointed by
the heretics, and who has been sent by them to your city, we wish your
unanimity to understand, that he has been deposed by the judgment of the whole
sacred Council, although indeed he has never at any time been considered to be
a Bishop at all. Wherefore receive gladly your Bishop Athanasius; for to this
end we have dismissed him in peace. And we exhort all those, who either
through fear, or through intrigues of certain persons, have held communion
with Gregory, that being now admonished, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they
withdraw from his detestable communion, and straightway unite themselves to
the Catholic Church.
What decrees have been passed by the holy Council against Theodorus,
Narcissus, Stephanus, Acacius, Menophantus, Ursacius, Valens, and George[7],
who are the heads of the Arian heresy, and have offended against you and the
rest of the Churches, you will learn from the subjoined documents. We have
sent them to you, that your piety may assent to our decisions, and that you
may understand from them, that the Catholic Church will not overlook those who
offend against her.
Encyclical Letter of the Council of Sardica.
The holy Council[8], by the grace of God, assembled at Sardica, to their
dearly beloved brethren, the Bishops and fellow-Ministers of the Catholic
Church every where, sends health in the Lord.
44. The Arian madmen have dared repeatedly to attack the servants of God,
who maintain the right faith; they attempted to substitute a spurious
doctrine, and to drive out the orthodox; and at last they made so violent an
assault against the Faith, that it became known even to the piety of our most
religious Emperors. Accordingly, the grace of God assisting them, our most
religious Emperors have themselves assembled us together out of different
provinces and cities, and have permitted this holy Council to be held in the
city of Sardica; to the end that all dissension may be done away, and all
false doctrine being driven from us, Christian godliness may alone be
maintained by all men. The Bishops of the East also attended, being exhorted
to do so by the most religious Emperors, chiefly on account of the reports
they have so often circulated concerning our dearly beloved brethren and
fellow-ministers Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, and Marcellus, Bishop of
Ancyro-Galatia. Their calumnies have probably already reached you, and perhaps
they have attempted to disturb your ears, that you may be induced to believe
their charges against the innocent, and that they may obliterate from your
minds any suspicions respecting their own wicked heresy. But they have not
been permitted to effect this to any great extent; for the Lord is the
Defender of His Churches, Who endured death for their sakes and for us all,
and provided access to heaven for us all through Himself. When therefore
Eusebius and his fellows wrote long ago to Julius our brother and Bishop of
the Church of the Romans, against our fore-mentioned brethren, that is to say,
Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas[9], the Bishops from the other parts wrote
also, testifying to the innocence of our fellow-minister Athana-
124
sius, and declaring that the representations of Eusebius and his fellows were
nothing else but mere falsehood and calumny.
And indeed their calumnies were clearly proved by the fact that, when they
were invited to a Council by our dearly beloved fellow-minister Julius, they
would not come, and also by what was written to them by Julius himself. For
had they had confidence in the measures and the acts in which they were
engaged against our brethren, they would have come. And besides, they gave a
still more evident proof of their conspiracy by their conduct in this great
and holy Council. For when they arrived at the city of Sardica, and saw our
brethren Athanasius, Marcellus, Asclepas, and the rest, they were afraid to
come to a trial and though they were repeatedly invited to attend, they would
not obey the summons. Although all we Bishops met together, and above all that
man of most happy old age, Hosius, one who on account of his age, his
confession, and the many labours he has undergone, is worthy of all reverence;
and although we waited and urged them to come to the trial, that in the
presence of our fellow-ministers they might establish the truth of those
charges which they had circulated and written against them in their absence;
yet they would not come, when they were thus invited, as we said before, thus
giving proof of their calumnies, and almost proclaiming to the world by this
their refusal, the plot and conspiracy in which they have been engaged. They
who are confident of the truth of their assertions are able to make them good
against their opponents face to face. But as they would not meet us, we think
that no one can now doubt, however they may again have recourse to their bad
practices, that they possess no proof against our fellow-ministers, but
calumniate them in their absence, while they avoid their presence.
45. They fled, beloved brethren, not only on account of the calumnies they
had uttered, but because they saw that those had come who had various charges
to advance against them. For chains and irons were brought forward which they
had used; persons appeared who had returned from banishment; there came also
our brethren, kinsmen of those who were still detained in exile, and friends
of such as had perished through their means. And what was the most weighty
ground of accusation, Bishops were present, one[1] of whom brought forward the
irons and chains which they had caused him to wear, and others appealed to the
death which had been brought about by their calumnies. For they had proceeded
to such a pitch of madness, as even to attempt to destroy Bishops; and would
have destroyed them, had they not escaped their hands. Our fellow-ministers,
Theodulus of blessed memory[2], died during his flight from their false
accusations, orders having been given in consequence of these to put him to
death. Others also exhibited sword-wounds; and others complained that they had
been exposed to the pains of hunger through their means. Nor were they
ordinary persons who testified to these things, but whole Churches, in whose
behalf legates appeared[3], and told us of soldiers sword in hand, of
multitudes armed with clubs, of the threats of judges, of the forgery of false
letters. For there were read certain false letters of Theognius and his
fellows against our fellow-ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas,
written with the design of exasperating the Emperors against them; and those
who had then been Deacons of Theognius proved the fact. From these men, we
heard of virgins stripped naked, churches burnt, ministers in custody, and all
for no other end, but only for the sake of the accursed heresy of the Arian
madmen, whose communion whoso refused was forced to suffer these things.
When they perceived then how matters lay, they were in a strait what
course to choose. They were ashamed to confess what they had done, but were
unable to conceal it any longer. They therefore came to the city of Sardica,
that by their arrival they might seem to remove suspicion from themselves of
such offences. But when they saw those whom they had calumniated, and those
who had suffered at their hands; when they had before their eyes their
accusers and the proofs of their guilt, they were unwilling to come forward,
though invited by our fellow-ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas,
who with great freedom complained of their conduct, and urged and challenged
them to the trial, promising not only to refute their calumnies, but also to
bring proof of the offences which they had committed against
125
their Churches. But they were seized with such terrors of conscience, that
they fled; and in doing so they exposed their own calumnies and confessed by
running away the offences of which they had been guilty.
46. But although their malice and their calumnies have been plainly
manifested on this as well as on former occasions, yet that they may not
devise means of practising a further mischief in consequence of their flight,
we have considered it advisable to examine the part they have played according
to the principles of truth; this has been our purpose, and we have found them
calumniators by their acts, and authors of nothing else than a plot against
our brethren in ministry. For Arsenius, who they said had been murdered by
Athanasius, is still alive, and is numbered among the living; from which we
may infer that the reports they have spread abroad on other subjects are
fabrications also. And whereas they spread abroad a rumour concerning a cup,
which they said had been broken by Macarius the Presbyter of Athanasius, those
who came from Alexandria, the Mareotis, and the other parts, testified that
nothing of the kind had taken place. And the Egyptian Bishops[2] who wrote to
Julius our fellow-minister, positively affirmed that there had not arisen
among them even any suspicion whatever of such a thing.
Moreover, the Reports, which they say they have to produce against him,
are, as is notorious, ex parte statements; and even in the formation of these
very Reports, Heathens and Catechumens were examined; one of whom, a
Catechumen, said[3] in his examination that he was present in the room when
Macarius broke in upon them; and another declared, that Ischyras of whom they
speak so much, lay sick in his cell at the time; from which it appears that
the Mysteries were never celebrated at all, because Catechumens were present,
and also that Ischyras was not present, but was lying sick on his bed.
Besides, this most worthless Ischyras, who has falsely asserted, as he was
convicted of doing, that Athanasius bad burnt some of the sacred books, has
himself confessed that he was sick, and was lying in his bed when Macarius
came; from which it is plain that he is a slanderer. Nevertheless, as a
reward for these his calumnies, they have given to this very Ischyras the
title of Bishop, although he is not even a Presbyter. For two Presbyters, who
were once associated with Meletius, but were afterwards received by the
blessed Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, and are now with Athanasius, appeared
before the Council, and testified that he was not even a Presbyter of
Meletius, and that Meletius never had either Church or Minister in the
Mareotis. And yet this man, who has never been even a Presbyter, they have now
brought forward as a Bishop, that by this name they may have the means of
overpowering those who are within hearing of his calumnies.
47. The book of our fellow-minister Marcellus was also read, by which the
fraud of Eusebius and his fellows was plainly discovered. For what Marcellus
had advanced by way of enquiry[4], they falsely represented as his professed
opinion; but when the subsequent parts of the book were read, and the parts
preceding the queries themselves, his faith was found to be correct. He had
never pretended, as they positively affirmed[5], that the Word of God had His
beginning from holy Mary, nor that His kingdom had an end; on the contrary he
had written that His kingdom was both without beginning and without end. Our
fellow-minister Asclepas also produced Reports which had been drawn up at
Antioch in the presence of his accusers and Eusebius of Caesarea, and proved
that he was innocent by the declarations of the Bishops who judged his
cause[6]. They had good reason therefore, dearly beloved brethren, for not
hearkening to our frequent summons, and for deserting the Council. They were
driven to this by their own consciences; but their flight only confirmed the
proof of their own calumnies, and caused those things to be believed against
them, which their accusers, who were present, were asserting and arguing. But
besides all these things, they had not only received those who were formerly
degraded and ejected on account of the heresy of Arius, but had even promoted
them to a higher station, advancing Deacons to the Presbytery, and of
Presbyters making Bishops, for no other end, but that they might disseminate
and spread abroad impiety, and corrupt the orthodox faith.
48. Their leaders are now, after Eusebius and his fellows, Theodorus of
Heraclea, Narcissus of Neronias in Cilicia, Stephanus of Antioch, George of
Laodicea, Acacius of CAEsarea in Palestine, Menophantus of Ephesus in Asia,
Ursacius of Singidunum in Moesia, and Valens of Mursa in Pannonia[7]. These
men would not permit those who came with them from the East to meet the holy
Council, nor even to approach the Church of God; but as they were coming to
Sardica, they held Councils in
126
various places by themselves, and made an engagement under threats, that when
they came to Sardica, they would not so much as appear at the trial, nor
attend the assembling of the holy Council, but simply coming and making known
their arrival as a matter of form, would speedily take to flight. This we have
been able to ascertain from our fellow-ministers, Macarius of Palestine and
Asterius of Arabia[8], who after coming in their company, separated themselves
from their unbelief. These came to the holy Council, and complained of the
violence they had suffered, and said that no right act was being done by them;
adding that there were many among them who adhered to orthodoxy, but were
prevented by those men from coming hither, by means of the threats and
promises which they held out to those who wished to separate from them. On
this account it was that they were so anxious that all should abide in one
dwelling, and would not suffer them to be by themselves even for the shortest
space of time.
49. Since then it became us not to hold our peace, nor to pass over
unnoticed their calumnies, imprisonments, murders, wounds, conspiracies by
means of false letters, outrages, stripping of the virgins, banishments,
destruction of the Churches, burnings, translations from small cities to
larger dioceses, and above all, the rising of the ill-named Arian heresy by
their means against the orthodox faith; we have therefore pronounced our
dearly beloved, brethren and fellow-ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and
Asclepas, and those who minister to the Lord with them, to be innocent and
clear of offence, and have written to the diocese of each, that the people of
each Church may know the innocence of their own Bishop, and may esteem him as
their Bishop and expect his coining.
And as for those who like wolves[9] have invaded their Churches, Gregory
at Alexandria Basil at Ancyra, and Quintianus at Gaza, let them neither give
them the title of Bishop, nor hold any communion at all with them, nor receive
letters[10] from them, nor write to them. And for Theodorus, Narcissus,
Acacius, Stephanus, Ursacius, Valens, Menophantus, and George, although the
last from fear did not come from the East, yet because he was deposed by the
blessed Alexander, and because both he and the others were connected with the
Arian madness, as well as on account of the charges which lie against them,
the holy Council has unanimously deposed them from the Episcopate, and we have
decided that they not only are not Bishops, but that they are unworthy of
holding communion with the faithful.
For they who separate the Son and alienate the Word from the Father, ought
themselves to be separated from the Catholic Church and to be alien from the
Christian name. Let them therefore be anathema to you, because they have
'corrupted the word of truth[1].' It is an Apostolic injunction[2], ' If any
man preach any other Gospel unto you than that ye have received, let him he
accursed.' Charge your people that no one hold communion with them, for there
is no communion of light with darkness; put away from you all these, for there
is no concord of Christ in Belial[3]. And take heed, dearly beloved, that ye
neither write to them, nor receive letters from them; but desire rather,
brethren and fellow-ministers, as being present in spirit[3a] with our
Council, to assent to our judgments by your subscriptions[4], to the end that
concord may be preserved by all our fellow-ministers everywhere. May Divine
Providence protect and keep you, dearly beloved brethren, in sanctification
and joy.
I, Hosius, Bishop, have subscribed this, and all the rest likewise.
This is the letter which the Council of Sardica sent to those who were
unable to attend, and they on the other hand gave their judgment in
accordance; and the following are the names both of those Bishops who
subscribed in the Council, and of the others also.
50. Hosius of Spain[5], Julius of Rome by his Presbyters Archidamus and
Philoxenus, Protogenes of Sardica, Gaudentius, Macedonius, Severus,
PrAEtextatus, Ursicius, Lucillus, Eugenius, Vitalius, Calepodius, Florentius,
Bassus, Vincentius, Stercorius, Palladius, Domitianus, Chalbis, Gerontius,
Protasius, Eulogus, Porphyrius, Dioscorus, Zosimus, Januarius, Zosimus,
Alexander, Eutychius, Socrates, Diodorus, Martyrius, Eutherius, Eucarpus,
Athenodorus, Irenaeus,
127
Julianus, Alypius, Jonas, Aetius, Restitutus, Marcellinus, Aprianus, Vitalius,
Valens, Hermogenes, Castus, Domitianus, Fortunatius, Marcus, Anuianus,
Heliodorus, Musaeus, Asterius, Paregorius, Plutarchus, Hymenaeus, Athanasius,
Lucius, Amantius, Arius, Asclepius, Dionysius, Maximus, Tryphon, Alexander,
Antigonus, AElianus, Petrus, Symphorus, Musonius, Eutychus, Philologius,
Spudasius, Zosimus, Patricius, Adolius, Sapricius[6]..
From Gaul the following; Maximianus[6a], Verissimus[6b], Victurus,
Valentinus[1], Desiderius, Eulogius, Sarbatius, Dyscolius[2], Superior,
Mercurius, Declopetus, Eusebius, Severinus[3], Satyrus, Martinus, Paulus,
Optatianus, Nicasius, Victor[4], Sempronius, Valerinus, Pacatus, Jes-ses,
Ariston, Simplicius, Metianus, Amantus[5], Amillianus, Justinianus,
Victorinus[6], Satornilus, Abundantius, Donatuanus, Maximus.
From Africa; Nessus, Gratus[7], Megasius, Coldaeus, Rogatianus,
Consortius, Rufinus, Manninus, Cessilianus, Herennianus, Marianus, Valerius,
Dynamius, Mizonius, Justus, Celestinus, Cyprianus, Victor, Honoratus, Marinus,
Pantagathus, Felix, Baudius, Liber, Capito, Minervalis, Cosmus, Victor,
Hesperio, Felix, Severianus, Optantius, Hesperus, Fidentius, Salustius,
Paschasius.
From Egypt; Liburnius, Amantius, Felix, Ischyrammon, Romulus, Tiberinus,
Consortius, Heraclides, Fortunatius, Dioscorus, Fortuna-tianus, Bastamon,
Datyllus, Andreas, Serenus, Arius, Theodorus, Evagoras, Helias, Timotheus,
Orion, Andronicus, Paphnutius, Hermias, Arabion, Psenosiris, Apollonius, Muis,
Sarapampon[8], Philo, Philippus, Apollonius, Paphnutius, Paulus, Dioscorus,
Nilammon, Serenus, Aquila, Aotas, Harpocration, Isac, Theodorus, Apollos,
Ammonianus, Nilus, Her-aclius, Arion, Athas, Arsenius, Agathammon, Theon,
Apollonius, Helias, Paninuthius, Andragathius, Nemesion, Sarapion, Ammonius,
Ammonius, Xenon, Gerontius, Quintus, Leonides, Sempronianus, Philo,
Heraclides, Hieracys, Rufus, Pasophius, Macedonius, Apollodorus, Flavianus,
Psaes, Syrus, Apphus, Sarapion, Esaias, Paphnutius, Timotheus, Elurion, Gaius,
MusAEus, Pistus, Heraclammon, Heron, Helias, Anagamphus, Apollonius, Gaius,
Philotas, Paulus, Tithoes, Eudaemon, Julius. Those on the road[9] of Italy are
Probatius, Viator, Facundinus, Joseph, Numedius, Sperantius, Severus,
Heraclianus, Faustinus, Antoninus, Heraclius, Vitalins, Felix, Crispinus,
Paulianus.
From Cyprus; Auxibius, Photius, Gerasius, Aphrodisius, Irenicus,
Nunechius, Athanasius, Macedonius, Triphyllius, Spyridon, Norbanus,
Sosicrates.
From Palestine; Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodosius, Germanus, Silvanus,
Paulus, Claudius, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus,
Petrus.
These are the names of those who subscribed to the acts of the Council;
but there are very many beside, out of Asia, Phrygia, and Isauria[9a], who
wrote in my behalf before this Council was held, and whose names, nearly
sixty-three in member, may be found in their own letters. They amount
altogether to three hundred and forty-four[10].
CHAPTER IV.
Imperial and Ecclesiastical Acts in consequence of the Decision of the Council
of Sardica.
51. When the most religious Emperor Constantius heard of these things, he
sent for me, having written privately to his brother Constans of blessed
memory, and to me three several times in the following terms. Constantius
Victor Augustus to Athanasius[1]. Our benignant clemency will not suffer you
to be any longer tempest-tossed by the wild waves of the sea; for our
unwearied piety has not lost sight of you, while you have been bereft of your
native home, deprived of your goods, and have been wandering in savage
wildernesses. And although I have for a long time deferred expressing by
letter the purpose of my mind concerning you, principally because I expected
that you would appear before us of your own accord, and would seek a relief of
your sufferings; yet forasmuch as fear, it may be, has prevented you from
fulfilling your intentions, we have therefore addressed to your fortitude
letters full of our bounty, to the end that you may use all speed and without
fear present yourself in our presence, thereby to obtain the enjoyment of your
wishes, and that, having experience of our kindness, you may be
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restored again to your own. For this purpose I have besought my lord and
brother Constans Victor Augustus, in your behalf, that he would give you
permission to come, in order that you may be restored to your country with the
consent of us both, receiving this as a pledge of our favour.
The Second Letter.
Although we made it very plain to you in a former letter that you may
without hesitation come to our Court, because we greatly wished to send you
home, yet, we have further sent this present letter to your fortitude to
exhort you without any distrust or apprehension, to place yourself in the
public conveyances[2], and to hasten to us, that you may enjoy the fulfilment
of your wishes.
The Third Letter.
Our pleasure was, while we abode at Edessa, and your Presbyters were
there, that, on one of them being sent to you, you should make haste to come
to our Court, in order that you might see our face, and straightway proceed to
Alexandria. But as a very long period has elapsed since you received letters
from us, and you have not yet come, we therefore hasten to remind you again,
that you may endeavour even now to present yourself before us with speed, and
so may be restored to your country, and obtain the accomplishment of your
prayers. And for your fuller information we have sent Achitas the Deacon, from
whom you will be able to learn the purpose of our soul, that you may now
secure the objects of your prayers.
Such was the tenor of the Emperor's letters; on receiving which I went up
to Rome to bid farewell to the Church and the Bishop: for I was at Aquileia[3]
when the above was written. The Church was filled with all joy, and the Bishop
Julius rejoiced with me in my return and wrote to the Church[4]; and as we
passed along, the Bishops of every place sent us on our way in peace. The
letter of Julius was as follows. 52. Julius to the Presbyters, Deacons, and
people residing at Alexandria[5].
I congratulate you, beloved brethren, that you now behold the fruit of
your faith before your eyes; for any one may see that such indeed is the case
with respect to my brother and fellow-Bishop Athanasius, whom for the
innocency of his life, and by reason of your prayers, God is restoring to you
again. Wherefore it is easy to perceive, that you have continually offered up
to God pure prayers and full of love. Being mindful of the heavenly promises,
and of the conversation that leads to them, which you have learnt from the
teaching of my brother aforesaid, you knew certainly and understood by the
right faith that is in you, that he, whom you always had as present in your
most pious minds, would not be separated from you for ever. Wherefore there is
no need that I should use many words in writing to you; for your faith has
already anticipated whatever I could say to you, and has by the grace of God
procured the accomplishment of the common prayers of you all. Therefore, I
repeat again, I congratulate you, because you have preserved your souls
unconquered in the faith; and I also congratulate no less my brother
Athana-sius, in that, though he is enduring many afflictions, he has at no
time been forgetful of your love and earnest desires towards him. For although
for a season he seemed to be withdrawn from you in body, yet he has continued
to live as always present with you in spirit[6].
53. Wherefore he returns to you now more illustrious than when he went
away from you. Fire tries and purifies the precious materials, gold and
silver: but how can one describe the worth of such a man, who, having passed
victorious through the perils of so many tribulations, is now restored to you,
being pronounced innocent not by our voice only, but by the voice of the whole
Council[7]? Receive therefore, beloved brethren, with all godly honour and
rejoicing, your Bishop Athanasius, together with those who have been partners
with him in so many labours. And rejoice that you now obtain the fulfilment of
your prayers, after that in your salutary letter you have given meat and drink
to your Pastor, who, so to speak, longed and thirsted after your godliness.
For while he sojourned in a foreign land, you were his consolation; and you
refreshed him during his persecutions by your most faithful minds and spirits.
And it delights me now to conceive
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and figure to nay mind the joy of every one of you at his return, and the
pious greetings of the concourse, and the glorious festivity of those that run
to meet him. What a day will that be to you, when my brother comes back again,
and your former sufferings terminate, and his much-prized and desired return
inspires you all with an exhilaration of perfect joy! The like joy it is ours
to feel in a very great degree, since it has been granted us by God, to be
able to make the acquaintance of so eminent a man. It is fitting therefore
that I should conclude my letter with a prayer. May Almighty God, and His Son
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, afford you continual grace, giving you a
reward for the admirable faith which you displayed in your noble confession in
behalf of your Bishop, that He may impart unto you and unto them that are with
you, both here and hereafter, those better things, which 'the eye hath not
seen, nor ear heard, neither hath entered into the heart of man, the things
which God hath prepared for them that love Him[8],' through our Lord Jesus
Christ, through Whom to Almighty God be glory for ever and ever. Amen. I pray,
dearly beloved brethren, for your health and strength in the Lord.
54. The Emperor, when I came to him[9] with these letters, received me
kindly, and sent me forth to my country and Church addressing the following to
the Bishops, Presbyters, and People.
Constantius, Victor, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops and Presbyters of
the Catholic Church.
The most reverend Athanasius has not been deserted by the grace of God,
but although for a brief season he was subjected to trial to which human
nature is liable, he has obtained from the all-surveying Providence such an
answer to his prayers as was meet, and is restored by the will of the Most
High, and by our sentence, at once to his country and to the Church, over
which by divine permission he presided. Wherefore, in accordance with this, it
is fitting that it should be provided by our clemency, that all the decrees
which have heretofore been passed against those who held communion with him,
be now consigned to oblivion, and that all suspicions respecting them be
henceforward set at rest, and that immunity, such as the Clergy who are
associated with him formerly enjoyed, be duly confirmed to them. Moreover to
our other acts of favour towards him we have thought good to add the
following, that all persons of the sacred catalogue' should understand, that
an assurance of safety is given to all who adhere to him, whether Bishops, or
other Clergy. And union with him will be a sufficient guarantee, in the case
of any person, of an upright intention. For whoever, acting according to a
better judgment and part, shall choose to hold communion with him, we order,
in imitation of that Providence which has already gone before, that all such
should have the advantage of the grace which by the will of the Most High is
now offered to them from us. May God preserve you.
The Second Letter.
Constantius, Victor, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of the Catholic
Church at Alexandria.
55. Having in view your welfare in all respects, and knowing that you have
for a long time been deprived of episcopal superintendence, we have thought
good to send back to you your Bishop Athanasius, a man known to all men for
the uprightness that is in him, and for the good disposition of his personal
character. Receive him, as you are wont to receive every one, in a suitable
manner, and, using his advocacy as your succour in your prayers to God,
endeavour to preserve continually that unanimity and peace according to the
order of the Church which is at the same time becoming in you, and most
advantageous for us. For it is not becoming that any dissension or faction
should be raised among you, contrary to the prosperity of our times. We desire
that this offence may be altogether removed from you, and we exhort you to
continue stedfastly in your accustomed prayers, and to make him, as we said
before, your advocate and helper towards God. So that, when this your
determination, beloved, has influenced the prayers of all men, even those
heathen who are still addicted to the false worship of idols may eagerly
desire to come to the knowledge of our sacred religion. Again therefore we
exhort you to continue in these things, and gladly to receive your Bishop, who
is sent back to you by the decree of the Most High, and by our decision, and
determine to greet him cordially with all your soul and with all your mind.
For this is what is both becoming in you, and agreeable to our clemency. In
order that all occasions of disturbance and sedition may be taken away from
those who are maliciously disposed, we have by letter commanded the
magistrates who are among you to subject to the vengeance of
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the law all whom they find to be factious. Wherefore taking into consideration
both these things, our decision in accordance with the will of the Most High,
and our regard for you and for concord among you, and the punishment that
awaits the disorderly, observe such things as are proper and suitable to the
order of our sacred religion, and receiving the aforementioned Bishop with all
reverence and honour, take care to offer up with him your prayers to God, the
Father of all, in behalf of yourselves, and for the well-being of your whole
lives.
56. Having written these letters, he also commanded that the decrees,
which he had formerly sent out against me in consequence of the calumnies of
Eusebius and his fellows, should be cancelled and struck out from the Orders
of the Duke and the Prefect of Egypt; and Eusebius the Decurion[2] was sent to
withdraw them from the Order-books. His letter on this occasion was as
follows. Constantius, Victor, Augustus, to Nestorius[3].
(And in the same terms, to the Governors of Augustamnica, the Thebais, and
Libya.)
Whatever Orders are found to have been passed heretofore, tending to the
injury and dishonour of those who hold communion with the Bishop Athanasius,
we wish them to be now erased. For we desire that whatever immunities his
Clergy possessed before, they should again possess the same. And we wish this
our Order to be observed, that when the Bishop Athanasius is restored to his
Church, those who hold communion with him may enjoy the immunities which they
have always enjoyed, and which the rest of the Clergy enjoy; so that they may
have the satisfaction of being on an equal footing with others.
57. Being thus set forward on my journey, as I passed through Syria, I met
with the Bishops of Palestine, who when they had called a Council[4] at
Jerusalem, received me cordially, and themselves also sent me on my way in
peace, and addressed the following letter to the Church and the Bishops.
The Holy Council, assembled at Jerusalem, to the fellow-ministers in Egypt
and Libya, and to the Presbyters, Deacons, and People at Alexandria, brethren
beloved and greatly longed for, sends health in the Lord.
We cannot give worthy thanks to the God of all, dearly beloved, for the
wonderful things which He has done at all times, and especially at this time
for your Church, in restoring to you your pastor and lord, and our
fellow-minister Athanasius. For who ever hoped that his eyes would see what
you are now actually obtaining? Of a truth, your prayers have been heard by
the God of all, Who cares for His Church, and has looked upon your tears and
groans, and has therefore heard your petitions. For ye were as sheep scattered
and fainting, not having a shepherd[5]. Wherefore the true Shepherd, Who
careth for His own sheep, has visited you from heaven, and has restored to you
him whom you desire. Behold, we also, being ready to do all things for the
peace of the Church, and being prompted by the same affection as yourselves,
have saluted him before you; and communicating with you through him, we send
you these greetings, and our offering of thanksgiving, that you may know that
we also are united in the bond of love that joins you to him. You are bound to
pray also for the piety of our most God-beloved Emperors, who, when they knew
your earnest longings after him, and his innocency, determined to restore him
to you with all honour. Wherefore receive him with uplifted hands, and take
good heed that you offer up due thanksgiving on his behalf to God Who has
bestowed these blessings upon you; so that you may continually rejoice with
God and glorify our Lord, in Christ Jesus our Lord, through Whom to the Father
be glory for ever. Amen.
I have set down here the names of those who subscribed this letter,
although I have mentioned them before[6]. They are these; Maximus, Aetius,
Arius, Theodorus[7], Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Patricius, Elpidius,
Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Macrinus[8], Petrus, Claudius.
58. When Ursacius and Valens saw all this, they forthwith condemned
themselves for what they had done, and going up to Rome, confessed their
crime, declared themselves penitent, and sought forgiveness[9], addressing the
following letters to Julius, Bishop of ancient Rome, and to ourselves. Copies
of them were sent to me from Paulinus, Bishop of Treveri [10].
A Translation from the Latin of a Letter[1] to Julius, concerning the
recantation of Ursacius and Valens[2].
Ursacius and Valens to the most blessed lord, pope Julius.
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Whereas it is well known that we have heretofore in letters laid many
grievous charges against the Bishop Athanasius, and whereas when we were
corrected by the letters of your Goodness, we were unable to render an account
of the statement we had made; we do now confess before your Goodness, and in
the presence of all the Presbyters our brethren, that all the reports which
have heretofore come to your hearing respecting the case of the aforesaid
Athanasius, are falsehoods and fabrications, and are utterly inconsistent with
his character. Wherefore we earnestly desire communion with the aforesaid
Athanasius, especially since your Piety, with your characteristic generosity,
has vouchsafed to pardon our error. But we also declare, that if at any time
the Eastern Bishops, or even Athanasius himself, ungenerously should wish to
bring us to judgment for this matter, we will not depart contrary to your
judgment. And as for the heretic Arius and his supporters, who say that once
the Son was not, and that the Son was made of that which was not, and who deny
that Christ is God and the Son of God before the worlds, we anathematize them
both now and for evermore, as also we have set forth in our former declaration
at Milan[3]. We have written this with our own hands, and we profess again,
that we have renounced for ever, as we said before, the Arian heresy and its
authors.
I Ursacius subscribed this my confession in person; and likewise I Valens.
Ursacius and Valens, Bishops, to their lord and brother, the Bishop
Athanasius.
Having an opportunity of sending by our brother and fellow Presbyter
Musaeus, who is coming to your Charity, we salute you affectionately, beloved
brother, through him, from Aquileia, and pray you, being as we trust in
health, to read our letter. You will also give us confidence, if you will
return to us an answer in writing. For know that we are at peace with you, and
in communion with the Church, of which the salutation prefixed to this letter
is a proof. May Divine Providence preserve you, my Lord, our beloved brother!
Such were their letters, and such the sentence and the judgment of the
Bishops in my behalf. But in order to prove that they did not act thus to
ingratiate themselves, or under compulsion in any quarter, I desire, with your
permission, to recount the whole matter from the beginning, so that you may
perceive that the bishops wrote as they did with upright and just intentions,
and that Ursacius and Valens, though they were slow to do so, at last
confessed the truth.
PART II.
CHAPTER V.
Documents connected with the charges of the Meletians against S.
Athanasius.
59. Peter was Bishop among us before the persecution, and during the course
of it he suffered martyrdom. When Meletius, who held the title of bishop in
Egypt, was convicted of many crimes, and among the rest of offering sacrifice
to idols, Peter deposed him in a general council of the bishops. Whereupon
Meletius did not appeal to another council, or attempt to justify himself
before those who should come after, but made a schism, so that they who
espoused his cause are even yet called Meletians instead of Christians[1]. He
began immediately to revile the bishops, and made false accusations, first
against Peter himself, and against his successor Achillas, and after Achillas,
against Alexander[2]. And he thus practised craftily, following the example of
Absalom, to the end that, as he was disgraced by his deposition, he might by
his calumnies mislead the simple. While Meletius was thus employed, the Arian
heresy also had arisen. But in the Council of Nicaea, while the heresy was
anathematized, and the Arians were cast out, the Meletians on whatever
grounds[3] (for it is not necessary now to mention the reason) were received.
Five months however had not yet passed[4] when, the blessed Alexander having
died, the Meletians, who ought to have remained quiet, and to have been
grateful that they were received on any terms, like dogs unable to forget
their vomit, were again troubling the Churches.
Upon learning this, Eusebius, who had the lead in the Arian heresy, sends
and buys the Meletians with large promises, becomes their secret friend, and
arranges with them for their assistance on any occasion when he might wish for
it. At first he sent to me, urging me to admit Arius and his fellows to
communion[5], and threatened me in his verbal communications, while in his
letters he [merely] made a request. And when I refused, declaring that it was
not right that those who had invented
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heresy contrary to the truth, and had been anathematized by the Ecumenical[6]
Council, should be admitted to communion, he caused the Emperor also,
Constantine, of blessed memory, to write to me, threatening me, in case I
should not receive Arius and his fellows, with those afflictions, which I have
before undergone, and which I am still suffering. The following is a part of
his letter. Syncletius and Gaudentius, officers of the palace[7], were the
bearers of it.
Part of a Letter from the Emperor Constantine.
Having therefore knowledge of my will, grant free admission to all who
wish to enter into the Church. For if I learn that you have hindered or
excluded any who claim to be admitted into communion with the Church, I will
immediately send some one who shall depose you by my command, and shall remove
you from your place.
60. When upon this I wrote and endeavoured to convince the Emperor, that
that anti-Christian heresy had no communion with the Catholic Church, Eusebius
forthwith, availing himself of the occasion which he had agreed upon with the
Meletians, writes and persuades them to invent some pretext, so that, as they
had practised against Peter and Achillas and Alexander, they might devise and
spread reports against us also. Accordingly, after seeking for a long time,
and finding nothing, they at last agree together, with the advice of Eusebius
and his fellows, and fabricate their first accusation by means of Ision,
Eudaemon, and Callinicus[8], respecting the linen vestments[9], to the effect
that I had imposed a law upon the Egyptians, and had required its observance
of them first. But when certain Presbyters of mine were found to be present,
and the Emperor took cognizance of the matter, they were condemned (the
Presbyters were Apis and Macarius), and the Emperor wrote, condemning Ision,
and ordering me to appear before him. His letters were as follows[1].
Eusebius, having intelligence of this, persuades them to wait; and when I
arrive, they next accuse Macarius of breaking the cup, and bring against me
the most heinous accusation possible, viz. that, being an enemy of the
Emperor, I had sent a purse of gold to one Philumenus. The Emperor therefore
heard us on this charge also in Psammathia[2], when they, as usual, were
condemned, and driven from the presence; and, as I returned, he wrote the
following letter to the people.
Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of the Catholic Church at
Alexandria.
61. Beloved brethren, I greet you well, calling upon God, Who is the chief
witness of my intention, and on the Only-begotten, the Author of our Law, Who
is Sovereign over the lives of all men, and Who hates dissensions. But what
shall I say to you? That I am in good health? Nay, but I should be able to
enjoy better health and strength, if you were possessed with mutual love one
towards another, and had rid yourselves of your enmities, through which, in
consequence of the storms excited by contentious men, we have left the haven
of brotherly love. Alas! what perverseness is this! What evil consequences are
produced every day by the tumult of envy which has been stirred up among you!
Hence it is that evil reports have settled upon the people of God. Whither has
the faith of righteousness departed? For we are so involved in the mists of
darkness, not only through manifold errors, but through the faults of
ungrateful men, that we bear with those who favour folly, and though we are
aware of them, take no heed of those who set aside goodness and truth. What
strange inconsistency is this! We do not convict our enemies, but we follow
the example of robbery which they set us, whereby the most pernicious errors,
finding no one to oppose them, easily, if I may so speak, make a way for
themselves. Is there no understanding among us, for the credit of our common
nature, since we are thus neglectful of the injunctions of the law?
But some one will say, that love is a thing brought out by nature. But, I
ask, how is it that we who have got the law of God for our guide in addition
to our natural advantages, thus tolerate the disturbances and disorders raised
by our enemies, who seem inflamed, as it were, with firebrands? How is it,
that having eyes, we see not, neither understand, though we are surrounded by
the intelligence of the law? What a stupor has seized upon our life, that we
are thus neglectful of ourselves, and that although God admonishes us, Is it
not an intolerable evil? and ought we not to esteem such men as our enemies,
and not the household and people of God? For they are infuriated against us,
abandoned as they are: they lay grievous crimes to our charge, and make
attacks upon us as enemies.
62. And I would have you yourselves to consider with what exceeding
madness they do
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this. The foolish men carry their maliciousness at their tongues' end. They
carry about with them a sort of leaden anger, so that they reciprocally smite
one another, and involve us by way of increasing their own punishment. The
good teacher is accounted an enemy, while he who clothes himself with the vice
of envy, contrary to all justice makes his gain of the gentle temper of the
people; he ravages, and consumes, he decks himself out, and recommends himself
with false praises; he subverts the truth, and corrupts the faith, until he
finds out a hole and hiding-place for his conscience. Thus their very
perverseness makes them wretched, while they impudently prefer themselves to
places of honour, however unworthy they may be. Ah! what a mischief is this!
they say "Such an one is too old; such an one is a mere boy; the office
belongs to me; it is due to me, since it is taken away from him. I will gain
over all men to my side, and then I will endeavour with my power to ruin him."
Plain indeed is this proclamation of their madness to all the world; the sight
of companies, and gatherings, and rowers under command[3] in their offensive
cabals. Alas! what preposterous conduct is ours, if I may say it! Do they make
an exhibition of their folly in the Church of God? And are they not yet
ashamed of themselves? Do they not yet blame themselves? Are they not smitten
in their consciences, so that they now at length shew that they entertain a
proper sense of their deceit and contentiousness? Theirs is the mere force of
envy, supported by those baneful influences which naturally belong to it. But
those wretches have no power against your Bishop. Believe me, brethren, their
endeavours will have no other effect than this, after they have worn down our
days, to leave to themselves no place of repentance in this life. Wherefore I
beseech you, lend help to yourselves; receive kindly our love, and with all
your strength drive away those who desire to obliterate from among us the
grace of unanimity ; and looking unto God, love one another. I received gladly
your Bishop Athanasius, and addressed him in such a manner, as being persuaded
that he was a man of God. It is for you to understand these things, not for me
to judge of them. I thought it becoming that the most reverend Athanasius
himself should convey my salutation to you, knowing his kind care of you,
which, in a manner worthy of that peaceable faith which I myself profess, is
continually engaged in the good work of declaring saving knowledge, and will
be able to exhort you as is suitable, May God preserve you, beloved brethren.
Such was the letter of Constantine.
63. After these occurrences the Meletians remained quiet for a little
time, but after wards shewed their hostility again, and contrived the
following plot, with the aim of pleasing those who had hired their services.
The Mareotis is a country district of Alexandria, in which Meletius was not
able to make a schism. Now while the Churches still existed within their
appointed limits, and all the Presbyters had congregations in them, and while
the people were living in peace, a certain person named Ischyras[4], who was
not a clergyman, but of a worthless disposition, endeavoured to lead astray
the people of his own village, declaring himself to be a clergyman. Upon
learning this, the Presbyter of the place informed me of it when I was going
through my visitation of the Churches, and I sent Macarius the Presbyter with
him to summon Ischyras. They found him sick and lying in a cell, and charged
his father to admonish his son not to continue any such practices as had been
reported against him. But when he recovered from his sickness, being prevented
by his friends and his father from pursuing the same course, he fled over to
the Meletians; and they communicate with Eusebius and his fellows, and at last
that calumny is invented by them, that Macarius had broken a cup, and that a
certain Bishop named Arsenius had been murdered by me. Arsenius they placed in
concealment, in order that he might seem made away with, when he did not make
his appearance; and they carried about a hand, pretending that he had been cut
to pieces. As for Ischyras, whom they did not even know, they began to spread
a report that he was a Presbyter, in order that what he said about the cup
might mislead the people. Ischyras, however, being censured by his friends,
came to me weeping, and said that no such thing as they had reported had been
done by Macarius, and that himself had been suborned by the Meletians to
invent this calumny. And he wrote the following letter.
To the Blessed pope[5] Athanasius, Ischyras sends health in the Lord.
64. As when I came to you, my Lord Bishop, desiring to be received into
the Church, you reproved me for what I formerly said, as though I had
proceeded to such lengths of my own free choice, I therefore
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submit to you this my apology in writing, in order that you may understand,
that violence was used towards me, and blows inflicted on me by Isaac and
Heraclides, and Isaac of Letopolis, and those of their party. And I declare,
and take God as my witness in this matter, that of none of the things which
they have stated, do I know you to be guilty. For no breaking of a cup or
overturning of the Holy Table ever took place, but they compelled me by
violent usage to assert all this. And this defence I make and submit. to you
in writing, desiring and claiming for myself to be admitted among the members
of your congregation.I pray that you may have health in the Lord.
I submit this my handwriting to you the Bishop Athanasius in the presence
of the Presbyters, Ammonas of Dicella, Heraclius of Phascos, Boccon of
Chenebri, Achillas of Myrsine, Didymus of Taphosiris, and Justus from
Bomotheus[6]; and of the Deacons, Paul, Peter, and Olympius, of Alexandria,
and Ammonius, Pistus, Demetrius, and Gaius, of the Mareotis.
65. Notwithstanding this statement of Ischyras, they again spread abroad
the same charges against me everywhere, and also reported them to the Emperor
Constantine. He too had heard before of the affair of the cup in
Psammathia[7], when I was there, and had detected the falsehood of my enemies.
But now he wrote to Antioch to Dalmatius[8] the Censor requiring him to
institute a judicial enquiry respecting the murder. Accordingly the Censor
sent me notice to prepare for my defence against the charge. Upon receiving
his letters, although at first I paid no regard to the thing because I knew
that nothing of what they said was true, yet seeing that the Emperor was
moved, I wrote to my fellow-ministers into Egypt, and sent a deacon, desiring
to learn something of Arsenius, for I had not seen the man for five or six
years. Well, not to relate the matter at length, Arsenius was found in
concealment, in the first instance in Egypt, and afterwards my friends
discovered him again in concealment in Tyre also. And what was most
remarkable, even when he was discovered he would not confess that he was
Arsenius, until he was convicted in court before Paul, who was then Bishop of
Tyre, and at last out of very shame could not deny it.
This he did in order to fulfil his contract with Eusebius and his fellows,
lest, if he were discovered, the game they were playing should at length be
broken up; which in fact came to pass. For when I wrote the Emperor word, that
Arsenius was discovered, and reminded him of what he had heard in Psammathia
concerning Macarius the Presbyter, he stopped the proceedings of the Censor's
court, and wrote condemning the proceedings against me as calumnious, and
commanded Eusebius and his fellows, who were coming into the East to appear
against me, to return. Now in order to shew that they accused me of having
murdered Arsenius (not to bring forward the letters of many persons on the
subject), it shall be sufficient only to produce one from Alexander the Bishop
of Thessalonica, from which the tenor of the rest may be inferred. He then
being acquainted with the reports which Archaph, who is also called John,
circulated against me on the subject of the murder, and having heard that
Arsenius was alive, wrote as follows.
Letter of Alexander.
To his dearly beloved son and fellow-minister like-minded, the lord
Athanasius, Alexander the Bishop sends health in the Lord.
66. I congratulate the most excellent Sarapion, that he is striving so
earnestly to adorn himself with holy habits, and is thus advancing to higher
praise the memory of his father. For, as the Holy Scripture somewhere says,
'though his father die, yet he is as though he were not dead[9]:' for he has
left behind him a memorial of his life. What my feelings were towards the ever
memorable Sozon, you yourself, my lord[10], are not ignorant, for you know the
sacredness of his memory, as well as the goodness of the young than. I have
received only one letter from your reverence, which I had by the hands of this
youth. I mention this to you, my lord, in order that you may know. Our dearly
beloved brother and deacon Macarius, afforded me great pleasure by writing to
me from Constantinople, that the false accuser Archaph had met with disgrace,
for having given out before all men that a live man had been murdered. That he
will receive from the righteous Judge, together with all the tribe of his
associates, that punishment, which his crimes deserve, the unerring Scriptures
assure us. May the Lord of all preserve you for
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very many years, my lord, in every way most kind.
67. And they who lived with Arsenius bear witness, that he was kept in
concealment for this purpose, that they might pretend his death for in
searching after him we found the person [who had done so], and he in
consequence wrote the following letter to John, who played the chief part in
this false accusation.
To his dearly beloved brother John, Pinnes, Presbyter of the Monastery" of
Ptemencyrcis, in the home of Anteopolis, sends greeting.
I wish you to know, that Athanasius sent his deacon into the Thebais, to
search everywhere for Arsenius; and Pecysius the Presbyter, and Silvanus the
brother of Helias, and Tapenacerameus, and Paul monk of Hypsele, whom he first
fell in with, confessed that Arsenius was with us. Upon learning this we
caused him to be put on board a vessel, and to sail to the lower countries
with Helias the monk. Afterwards the deacon returned again suddenly with
certain others, and entered our monastery, in search of the same Arsenius, and
him they found not, because, as I said before, we had sent him away to the
lower countries; but they conveyed me together with Helias the monk, who took
him out of the way, to Alexandria, and brought us before the Duke; when I
was unable to deny, but confessed that he was alive, and had not been
murdered: the monk also who took him out of the way confessed the same.
Wherefore I acquaint you with these things, Father, lest you should determine
to accuse Athanasius; for I said that he was alive, and had been concealed
with us, and all this is become known in Egypt, and it cannot any longer be
kept secret.
I, Paphnutius, monk of the same monastery, who wrote this letter, heartily
salute you. I pray for your health.
The following also is the letter which the Emperor wrote when he learnt
that Arsenius, was found to be alive.
Constantine, Victor, Maximus, Augustus, to the pope Athanasius.
68. Having read the letters of your wisdom, I felt the inclination to
write in return to your fortitude, and to exhort you that you would endeavour
to restore the people of God to tranquillity, and to merciful feelings. For in
my own mind I hold these things to be of the greatest importance, that we
should cultivate truth, and ever keep righteousness in our thoughts, and have
pleasure especially in those who walk in the right way of life. But as
concerning those who are deserving of all execration, I mean the most perverse
and ungodly Meletians, who have at last stultified themselves by their folly,
and are now raising unreasonable commotions by envy, uproar, and tumult, thus
making manifest their own ungodly dispositions, I will say thus much. You see
that those who they pretended had been slain with the sword, are still amongst
us, and in the enjoyment of life. Now what could be a stronger presumption
against them, and one so manifestly and clearly tending to their condemnation,
as that those whom they declared to have been murdered, are yet in the
enjoyment of life, and accordingly will be able to speak for themselves ?
But this further accusation was advanced by these same Meletians. They
positively affirmed that you, rushing in with lawless violence, had seized
upon and broken a cup, which was deposited in the most Holy Place; than which
there certainly could not be a more serious charge, nor a more grievous
offence, had such a crime actually been perpetrated. But what manner of
accusation is this ? What is the meaning of this change and variation and
difference in the circumstances of it, insomuch that they now transfer this
same accusation to another person, a fact which makes it clearer, so to
speak, than the light itself, that they designed to lay a plot for your wisdom
? After this, who can be willing to follow them, men that have fabricated such
charges to the injury of another, seeing too that they are hurrying themselves
on to ruin, and are conscious that they are accusing you of false and reigned
crimes ? Who then, as I said, will follow after them, and thus go headlong in
the way of destruction; in that way in which it seems they alone suppose that
they have hope of safety and of help ? But if they were willing to walk
according to a pure conscience, and to be directed by the best wisdom, and to
go in the way of a sound mind, they would easily perceive that no help can
come to them from Divine Providence, while they are given up to such doings,
and tempt their own destruction. I should not call this a harsh judgment of
them, but the simple truth.
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And finally, I will add, that I wish this letter to be read frequently by
your wisdom in public, that it may thereby come to the knowledge of all men,
and especially reach the ears of those who thus act, and thus raise
disturbances; for the judgment which is expressed by me according to the
dictates of equity is confirmed also by real facts. Wherefore, seeing that in
such conduct there is so great an offence, let them understand that I have
thus judged; and that I have come to this determination, that if they excite
any further commotion of this kind, I will myself in person take cognizance of
the matter, and that not according to the ecclesiastical, but according to the
civil laws, and so I will in future find them out, because they clearly are
robbers, so to speak, not only against human kind, but against the divine
doctrine itself. May God ever preserve you, beloved brother !
69. But that the wickedness of the calumniators might be more fully
displayed, behold Arsenius also wrote to me after he was discovered in his
place of concealment; and as the letter which Ischyras had written confessed
the falsehood of their accusation, so that of Arsenius proved their
maliciousness still more completely.
To the blessed Pope Athanasius, Arsenius, Bishop of those who were
heretofore under Meletius in the city of the Hypselites, together with the
Presbyters and Deacons, wishes much health in the Lord.
Being earnestly desirous of peace and union with the Catholic Church, over
which by the grace of God you preside, and wishing to submit ourselves to the
Canon of the Church, according to the ancient rule, we write unto you,
dearly beloved Pope, and declare in the name of the Lord, that we will not for
the future hold communion with those who continue in schism, and are not yet
at peace with the Catholic Church, whether Bishops, Presbyters, or Deacons.
Neither will we take part with them if they wish to establish anything in a
Council; neither will we send letters of peace [3a] unto them nor receive such
from them; neither yet without the consent of you, the bishop of the
metropolis, will we publish any determination concerning Bishops, or on any
other general ecclesiastical question; but we will yield obedience to all the
canons that have heretofore been ordained, after the example of the Bishops
[4] Ammonian, Tyrannus, Plusian, and the rest. Wherefore we beseech your
goodness to write to us speedily in answer, and likewise to our
fellow-ministers concerning us, informing them that we will henceforth abide
by the fore-mentioned resolution and will be at peace with the Catholic
Church, and at unity with our fellow-ministers in the [various] districts. And
we are persuaded that your prayers, being acceptable unto God, will so prevail
with Him, that this peace shall be firm and indissoluble unto the end,
according to the will of God the Lord of all, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
The sacred Ministry that is under you, we and those that are with us
salute. Very shortly, if God permit, we will come to visit your goodness. I,
Arsenius, pray for your health in the Lord for many years, most blessed Pope.
70. But a stronger and clearer proof of the calumny against us is the
recantation of John, of which the most God-beloved Emperor Constantine of
blessed memory is a witness, for. knowing how John had accused himself, and
having received letters from him expressing his repentance, he wrote to him as
follows. Constantine, Maximus, Augustus to John. The letters which I have
received from your prudence were extremely pleasing to me, because I learned
from them what I very much longed to hear, that you had laid aside every petty
feeling, had joined the Communion of the Church as became you, and were now in
perfect concord with the most reverend Bishop Athanasius. Be assured therefore
that so far I entirely approve of your conduct; because, giving up all
skirmishing, you have done that which is pleasing to God, and have embraced
the unity of His Church. In order therefore that you may obtain the
accomplishment of your wishes, I have thought it right to grant you permission
to enter the public conveyance, and to come
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to the court of my clemency. Let it then be your care to make no delay;
but as this letter gives you authority to use the public conveyance, come to
me immediately, that you may have your desires fulfilled, and by appearing in
my presence may enjoy that pleasure which it is fit for you to receive. May
God preserve you continually, dearly beloved brother.
CHAPTER VI.
Documents connected with the Council of Tyre.
71. Thus ended the conspiracy. The Meletians were repulsed and covered
with shame but notwithstanding this Eusebius and his fellows still did not
remain quiet, for it was not for the Meletians but for Arius and his fellows,
that they cared, and they were afraid lest, if the proceedings of the former
should be, stopped, they should no longer find persons to play the parts,
by whose assistance they might bring in that heresy. They therefore again
stirred up the Meletians, and persuaded the Emperor to give orders that a
Council should be held afresh at Tyre, and Count Dionysius was despatched
thither, and a military guard was given to Eusebius and his fellows. Macarius
also was sent as a prisoner to Tyre under a guard of soldiers; and the Emperor
wrote to me, and laid a peremptory command upon me, so that, however
unwilling, I set out. The whole conspiracy may be understood from the letters
which the Bishops of Egypt wrote; but it will be necessary to relate how it
was contrived by them in the outset, that so may be perceived the malice and
wickedness that was exercised against me. There are in Egypt, Libya, and
Pentapolis, nearly one hundred Bishops; none of whom laid anything to my
charge; none of the Presbyters found any fault with me; none of the people
spoke aught against me; but it was the Meletians who were ejected by Peter,
and the Arians, that divided the plot between them, while the one party
claimed to themselves the right of accusing me, the other of sitting in
judgment on the case. I objected to Eusebius and his fellows as being my
enemies on account of the heresy; next, I shewed in the following manner that
the person who was called my accuser was not a Presbyter at all. When Meletius
was admitted into communion (would that he had never been so admitted !)
the blessed Alexander who knew his craftiness required of him a schedule of
the Bishops whom he said he had in Egypt, and of the presbyters and deacons
that were in Alexandria itself, and if he had any in the country district.
This the Pope Alexander has done, test Meletius, having received the freedom
of the Church, should tender many, and thus continually, by a fraudulent
procedure, foist upon us whomsoever he pleased. Accordingly he has made out
the following schedule of those in Egypt.
A schedule presented by Meletius to the
Bishop Alexander.
I, Meletius of Lycopolis, Lucius of Antinopolis, Phasileus of Hermopolis,
Achilles of Cusae, Ammonius of Diospolis. In Ptolemais, Pachymes of Tentyrae.
In Maximianopolis, Theodorus of Coptus. In Thebais, Cales of Hermethes,
Colluthus of Upper Cynopolis, Pelagius of Oxyrynchus, Peter of Heracleopolis,
Theon of Nilopolis, Isaac of Letopolis, Heraclides of Niciopolis,
Isaac of Cleopatris, Melas of Arsenoitis.
In Heliopolis, Amos of Leontopolis, Ision of Athribis. In Pharbethus,
Harpocration of Bubastus, Moses of Phacusae, Callinicus of Pelusium,
Eudaemon of Tunis, Ephraim of Thmuis.
In Sais, Hermaeon of Cynopolis and Busiris, Soterichus of Sebennytus,
Pininuthes of Phthenegys, Cronius of Metelis, Agathammon of the district of
Alexandria.
In Memphis, John who was ordered by the Emperor to be with the Archbishop
[6]. These are those of Egypt. And the Clergy that he had in Alexandria were
Apollonius Presbyter, Irenaeus Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Tyrannus
Presbyter. And Deacons; Timotheus Deacon, Antinous Deacon, Hephaestion Deacon.
And Macarius Presbyter of Parembole.
72. These Meletius presented actually in person s to the Bishop Alexander,
but he made no mention of the person called Ischyras, nor ever
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professed at all that he had any Clergy in the Mareotis. Notwithstanding our
enemies did not desist from their attempts, but still he that was no Presbyter
was reigned to be one, for there was the Count ready to use compulsion towards
us, and soldiers were hurrying us about. But even then the grace of God
prevailed: for they could not convict Macarius in the matter of the cup; and
Arsenius, whom they reported to have been murdered by me, stood before them
alive and showed the falseness of their accusation. When therefore they were
unable to convict Macarius, Eusebius and his fellows, who became enraged that
they had lost the prey of which they had been in pursuit, per-spaded the Count
Dionysius, who is one of them, to send to the Mareotis, in order to see
whether they could not find out something there against the Presbyter, or
rather that they might at a distance patch up their plot as they pleased in
our absence: for this was their aim. However,--when we represented that the
journey to the Mareotis was a superfluous undertaking (for that they ought not
to pretend that statements were defective which they had been employed upon so
long, and ought not now to defer the matter; for they had said whatever they
thought they could say, and now being at a loss what to do, they were making
pretences); or if they must needs go to the Mareotis, that at least the
suspected parties should not be sent,--the Count was convinced by my
reasoning, with respect to the suspected persons; but they did anything rather
than what I proposed, for the very persons whom I objected against on account
of the Arian heresy, these were they who promptly went off, viz. Diognius,
Maris Theodorus, Macedonius, Ursacius, and Valens. Again, letters were written
to the Prefect of Egypt and a military guard was provided; and, what was
remarkable and altogether most suspicious, they caused Macarius the accused
party to remain behind under a guard of soldiers, while they took with them
the accuser. Now who after this does not see through this conspiracy? Who
does not clearly perceive the wickedness of Eusebius and his fellows ? For if
a judicial enquiry must needs take place in the Mareotis, the accused also
ought to have been sent thither. But if they did not go for the purpose of
such an enquiry, why did they take the accuser ? It was enough that he had not
been able to prove the fact. But this they did in order that they might carry
on their designs against the absent Presbyter, whom they could not convict
when present, and might concoct a plan as they pleased. For when the
Presbyters of Alexandria and of the whole district found fault with them
because they were there by themselves, and required that they too might be
present at their proceedings (for they said that they knew both the
circumstances of the case, and the history of the person named Ischyras), they
would not allow them; and although they had with them Philagrius the Prefect
of Egypt, who was an apostate, and heathen soldiers, during an enquiry
which it was not becoming even for Catechumens to witness, they would not
admit the Clergy, lest there as well as at Tyro there might be those who would
expose them.
73. But in spite of these precautions they were not able to escape
detection: for the Presbyters of the City and of the Mareotis, perceiving
their evil designs, addressed to them the following protest.
To Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, and Valens, the
Bishops who have come from Tyre, these from the Presbyters and Deacons of the
Catholic Church of Alexandria under the most reverend Bishop Athanasius.
It was incumbent upon you when you came hither and brought with you the
accuser, to bring also the Presbyter Macarius; for trials are appointed by
Holy Scripture to be so constituted, that the accuser and accused may stand up
together. But since neither you brought Macarius, nor our most reverend Bishop
Athanasius came hither with you, we claimed for ourselves the right of being
present at the investigation, that we might see that the enquiry was conducted
impartially, and might ourselves be convinced of the truth. But when you
refused to allow this, and wished, in company only with the Prefect of Egypt
and the accuser, to do whatever you pleased, we confess that we saw a
suspicion of evil in the affair, and perceived that your coming was only the
act of a cabal and a conspiracy. Wherefore we address to you this letter, to
be a testimony before a genuine Council, that it may be known to all men, that
you have carried on an ex parte proceeding and for your own ends, and have
desired nothing else but to form a conspiracy against us. A copy of this, lest
it should be kept secret by you, we have handed in to Palladius also the
Controller of Augustus. For what you have already done causes us to
suspect you, and to.
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reckon on the like conduct from you hereafter.
I Dionysius Presbyter have handed in this letter. Alexander Presbyter,
Nilaras Presbyter, Longus Presbyter, Aphthonius Presbyter, Athanasius
Presbyter, Amyntius Presbyter, Pistus Presbyter, Plution Presbyter, Dioscorus
Presbyter, Apollonius Presbyter, Sarapion Presbyter, Ammonius Presbyter, Gaius
Presbyter, Rhinus Presbyter, AEthales Presbyter.
Deacons; Marcellinus Deacon, Appianus Deacon, Theon Deacon, Timotheus
Deacon, a second Timotheus Deacon.
74. This is the letter, and these the names of the Clergy of the city; and
the following was written by the Clergy of the Mareotis, who know the
character of the accuser, and who were with me in my visitation.
To the holy Council of blessed Bishops of the Catholic Church, all the
Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis send health in the Lord.
Knowing that which is written, 'Speak that thine eyes have seen,' and, 'A
false witness shall not be unpunished, 'we testify what we have seen,
especially since the conspiracy which has been formed against our Bishop
Athanasius has made our testimony necessary. We wonder how Ischyras ever came
to be reckoned among the number of the Ministers of the Church, which is the
first point we think it necessary to mention. Ischyras never was a Minister of
the Church; but when formerly he represented himself to be a Presbyter of
Colluthus, he found no one to believe him, except only his own relations.
For he never had a Church, nor was ever considered a Clergyman by those who
lived but a short distance from his village, except only, as we said before,
by his own relations. But, notwithstanding he assumed this designation, he was
deposed in the presence of our Father Hosius at the Council which assembled at
Alexandria, and was admitted to communion as a layman, and so he continued
subsequently, having fallen from his falsely reputed rank of presbyter. Of his
character we think it unnecessary to speak, as all men have it in their power
to become acquainted therewith. But since he has falsely accused our Bishop
Athanasius of breaking a cup and overturning a table, we are necessarily
obliged to address you on this point. We have said already that he never had a
Church in the Mareotis; and we declare before God as our witness, that no cup
was broken, nor table overturned by our Bishop, nor by any one of those who
accompanied him; but all that is alleged respecting this affair is mere
calumny. And this we say, not as having been absent from the Bishop, for we
are all with him when he makes his visitation of the Mareotis, and he never
goes about alone, but is accompanied by all of us Presbyters and Deacons, and
by a considerable number of the people. Wherefore we make these assertions as
having been present with him in every visitation which he has made amongst us,
and testify that neither was a cup ever broken, nor table overturned, but the
whole story is false, as the accuser himself also witnesses under his own hand
[6]. For when, after he had gone off with Meletians, and had reported these
things against our Bishop Athanasius, he wished to be admitted to communion,
he was not received, although he wrote and confessed under his own hand that
none of these things were true, but that he had been suborned by certain
persons to say so.
75. Wherefore also Theognius, Theodorus, Maris, Macedonius, Ursacius,
Valens, and their fellows came into the Mareotis, and when they found that
none of these things were true, but it was likely to be discovered that they
had framed a false accusation against our Bishop Athanasius, Theognius and his
fellows being themselves his enemies, caused the relations of Ischyras and
certain Arian madmen to say whatever they wished. For none of the people spoke
against the Bishop; but these persons, through fear of Philagrius the Prefect
of Egypt, and by threats and with the support of the Arian madmen,
accomplished whatever they desired. For when we came to disprove the calumny,
they would not permit us, but cast us out, while they admitted whom they
pleased to a participation in their schemes, and concerted matters with them,
influencing them by fear of the Prefect Philagrius. Through his means they
prevented us from being present, that we might discover whether those who were
suborned by them were members of the Church or Arian madmen. And you also,
dearly beloved Fathers, know, as you teach us, that the testimony of enemies
avails nothing. That what we say is the truth the handwriting of Ischyras
testifies, as do also the facts themselves, because when we were conscious
that no such thing as was pretended had taken place, they took with them
Philagrius, that through fear of the sword and by threats they might frame
whatever plots they wished. These things we testify as in the presence of God;
we make these assertions as knowing
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that there will be a judgment held by God; desiring indeed all of us to come
to you, but being content with certain of our number, so that the letters may
be instead of the presence of those who have not come.
I, Ingenius Presbyter, pray you health in the Lord, beloved fathers. Theon
Presbyter, Ammonas P., Heraclius P., Boccon P., Tryphon P., Peter P., Hierax
P., Sarapion P., Marcus P., Ptollarion P., Gaius P., Dioscorus P., Demetrius
P., Thyrsus P.
Deacons; Pistus Deacon, Apollos D., Serras D., Pistus D., Polynicus D.,
Ammonius D., Maurus D., Hephaestus D., Apollos D., Metopus D., Apollos D.,
Serapas D., Meliphthongus D., Lucius D., Gregoras D. 76. The same to the
Controller, and to Philagrius, at that time Prefect of Egypt.
To Flavius Philagrius, and to Flavius Palladius, Ducenary, Officer of
the Palace, and Controller, and to Flavius Antoninus, Commissary of
Provisions, and Centenary of my lords the most illustrious Prefects of the
sacred PrAEtorium, these from the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis, a
home of the Catholic Church which is under the most Reverend Bishop
Athanasius, we address this testimony by those whose names are underwritten:--
Whereas Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, and Valens, as
if sent by all the Bishops who assembled at Tyre, came into our Diocese
alleging that they had received orders to investigate certain ecclesiastical
affairs, among which they spoke of the breaking of a cup of the Lord, of which
information was given them by Ischyras, whom they brought with them, and who
says that he is a Presbyter, although he is not,-for he was ordained by the
Presbyter Colluthus who pretended to the Episcopate, and was afterwards
ordered by a whole Council, by Hosius and the Bishops that were with him, to
take the place of a Presbyter, as he was before; and accordingly all that were
ordained by Colluthus resumed the same rank which they held before, and so
Ischyras himself proved to be a layman,--and the church which he says he has,
never was a church at all, but a quite small private house belonging to an
orphan boy of the name of Ision ;--for this reason we have offered this
testimony, adjuring you by Almighty God, and by our Lords Constantine
Augustus, and the most illustrious Caesars his sons, to bring these things to
the knowledge of their piety. For neither is he a Presbyter of the Catholic
Church nor does he possess a church, nor has a cup ever been broken, but the
whole story is false and an invention.
Dated in the Consulship of Julius Constantius the most illustrious
Patrician, brother of the most religious Emperor Constantine Augustus, and
of Rufinus Albinus, most illustrious men, on the tenth day of the month Thoth
[10]. These were the letters of the Presbyters.
77. The following also are the letters and protests of the Bishops who
came with us to Tyro, when they became aware of the conspiracy and plot.
To the Bishops assembled at Tyre, most honoured Lords, those of the
Catholic Church who have come from Egypt with Athanasius send greeting in the
Lord.
We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed against us by
Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodorus, Patrophilus, and their
fellows is no longer uncertain. From the very beginning we all demurred,
through our fellow-minister Athanasius, to the holding of the enquiry in their
presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy only, much more of many,
is able to disturb and injure the hearing of a cause. And you also yourselves
know the enmity which they entertain, not only towards us, but towards all the
orthodox, how that for the sake of the madness of Arius, and his impious
doctrine, they direct their assaults, they form conspiracies against all. And
when, being confident in the truth, we desired to show the falsehood, which
the Meletians had employed against the Church, Eusebius and his fellows
endeavoured by some means or other to interrupt our representations, and
strove eagerly to set aside our testimony, threatening those who gave an
honest judgment, and insulting others, for the sole purpose of carrying out
the design they had against us. Your godly piety, most honoured Lords, was
probably ignorant of their conspiracy, but we suppose that it has now been
made manifest. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it; for they
desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party who are suspected by us,
so that, while we were absent and remained here, they might disturb the people
and accomplish what they wished. They knew
141
that the Arian madmen, and Colluthians and Meletians, were enemies of the
Catholic Church and therefore they were anxious to send them, that in the
presence of our enemies they might devise against us whatever schemes they
pleased. And those of the Meletians who, are here, even four days previously
(as they knew that this enquiry was about to take place), despatched at
evening certain of their party, as couriers, for the purpose of collecting
Meletians out of Egypt into the Mareotis, because there were none at all
there, and Colluthians and Arian madmen, from other parts, and to prepare them
to speak against us. For you also know that Ischyras himself confessed before
you, that he had not more than seven persons in his congregation. When
therefore we heard that, after they had made what preparations they pleased
against us, and had sent these suspected persons, they were going about to
each of you, and requiring your subscriptions, in order that it might appear
as if this had been done with the consent of you all; for this reason we
hastened to write to you, and to present this our testimony; declaring that we
are the objects of a conspiracy under which we are suffering by and through
them, and demanding that having the fear of God in your minds, and condemning
their conduct in sending whom they pleased without our consent, you would
refuse your subscriptions, test they pretend that those things are done by
you, which they are contriving only among themselves. Surely it becomes those
who are in Christ, not to regard human motives, but to prefer the truth before
all things. And be not afraid of their, threatenings, which they employ
against all, nor of their plots, but rather fear God. If it was at all,
necessary that persons should be sent to the Mareotis, we also ought to have
been there with them, in order that we might convict the enemies of the
Church, and point out those who were aliens, and that the investigation of the
matter might be impartial. For you know that Eusebius and his fellows
contrived that a letter should be presented, as coming from the Collutians,
the Meletians, and Arians, and directed against us: but it is evident that
these enemies of the Catholic Church speak nothing that is true concerning us,
but say everything against us. And the law of God forbids an enemy to be
either a witness or a judge. Wherefore as you will have to give an account in
the day of judgment, receive this testimony, and recognising the conspiracy
which has been framed against us, beware, if you are requested by them, of
doing anything against us, and of taking part in the designs of Eusebius and
his fellows. For you know, as we said before, that they are our enemies, and
you are aware why Eusebius of Caesarea became such last year. We pray that
you may be in health, greatly beloved Lords.
78. To the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius, from the Bishops of
the Catholic Church in Egypt who have come to Tyre.
We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed against us by
Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodorus, Patrophilus and their
fellows, is no longer uncertain. From the very beginning we all demurred,
through our fellow-minister Athanasius, to the holding of the enquiry in their
presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy only, much more of many,
is able to disturb and injure the hearing of a cause. For their enmity is
manifest which they entertain, not only towards us, but also towards all the
orthodox, because they direct their assaults, they form conspiracies against
all. And when, being confident in the truth, we desired to shew the falsehood
which the Meletians had employed against the Church, Eusebius and his fellows
endeavoured by some means or other to interrupt our representations, and
strove eagerly to set aside our testimony, threatening those who gave an
honest judgment and insulting others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the
design they had against us. Your goodness was probably ignorant of the
conspiracy which they have formed against us, but we suppose that it has now
been made manifest. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it; for
they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party who are suspected by
us, so that, while we were absent and remained here, they might disturb the
people and accomplish what they wished. They knew that Arian madmen,
Colluthians, and Meletians were enemies of the Church, and therefore they were
anxious to send them, that in the presence of our enemies, they might devise
against us whatever schemes they pleased. And those of the Meletians who are
here, even four days previously (as they knew that this enquiry was about to
take place), despatched at evening two individuals of their own party, as
couriers, for the purpose of collecting Meletians out of Egypt into the
Mareotis, because there were none at all there. and Colluthians, and Arian
madmen, from other
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parts, and to prepare them to speak against us. And your goodness knows that
he himself confessed before you, that he had not more than seven persons in
his congregation. When therefore we heard that, after they had made what
preparations they pleased against us, and had sent these suspected persons,
they were going about to each of the Bishops and requiring their
subscriptions, in order that it might appear that this was done with the
consent of them all; for this reason we hastened to refer the matter to your
honour, and to present this our testimony, declaring that we are the objects
of a conspiracy, under which we are suffering by and through them, and
demanding of you that having in your mind the fear of God, and the pious
commands of our most religious Emperor, you would no longer tolerate these
persons, but condemn their conduct in sending whom they pleased without our
consent.
I Adamantins Bishop have subscribed this letter, Ischyras, Ammon, Peter,
Ammonianus Tyrannus, Taurinus, Sarapammon, AElurion, Harpocration, Moses,
Optatus, Anubion, Saprion, Apollonius, Ischyrion, Arbaethion, Potamen,
Paphnutius, Heraclides, Theodorus, A gathammon, Gaius, Pistus, Athas, Nicon,
Pelagius, Theon, Paninuthius, Nonnus, Ariston, Theodorus, Irenaeus,
Blastammon, Philippus, Apollos, Dioscorus, Timotheus of Diespolls, Macarius
Heraclammon, Cronius, Myis, Jacobus, Ariston Artemidorus, Phinees, Psais,
Heraclides.
Another from the same.
79. The Bishops of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt to Tyre,
to the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius.
Perceiving that many conspiracies and plots are being formed against us
through the machinations of Eusebius, Narcissus, Flacillus, Theognius, Maris,
Theodorus, Patrophilus, and their fellows (against whom we wished at first to
enter an objection, but were not permitted), we are constrained to have
recourse to the present appeal. We observe also that great zeal is exerted in
behalf of the Meletians, and that a plot is laid against the Catholic Church
in Egypt in our persons. Wherefore we present this letter to you, beseeching
you to bear in mind the Almighty Power of God, who defends the kingdom of our
most religious and godly Emperor Constantine, and to reserve the hearing of
the affairs which concern us for the most religious Emperor himself. For it is
but reasonable, since you were commissioned by his Majesty, that you should
reserve the matter for him upon our appealing to his piety. We can no longer
endure to be the objects of the treacherous designs of the fore-mentioned
Eusebius and his fellows, and therefore we demand that the case be reserved
for the most religious and God-beloved Emperor, before whom we shall be able
to set forth our own and the Church's just claims. And we are convinced that
when his piety shall have heard our cause, he will not condemn us. Wherefore
we again adjure you by Almighty God, and by our most religious Emperor, who,
together with the children of his piety, has thus ever been victorious a and
prosperous these many years, that you proceed no further, nor suffer
yourselves to move at all in the Council in relation to our affairs, but
reserve the hearing of them for his piety. We have likewise made the same
representations to my Lords the orthodox Bishops.
80. Alexander, Bishop of Thessalonica, on receiving these letters,
wrote to the Count Dionysius as follows.
The Bishop Alexander to my master Dionysius.
I see that a conspiracy has evidently been formed against Athanasius; for
they have determined, I know not on what grounds, to send all those to whom he
has objected, without giving any information to us, although it was agreed
that we should consider together who ought to be sent. Take care therefore
that nothing be done rashly (for they have come to me in great alarm, saying
that the wild beasts have already roused themselves, and are going to rush
upon them; for they had heard it reported, that John had sent certain),
lest they be beforehand with us, and concoct what schemes they please. For you
know that the Colluthians who are enemies of the Church, and the Arians, and
Meletians, are all of them leagued together, and are able to work much evil.
Consider therefore what is best to be done, lest some mischief arise, and we
be subject to censure, as not having judged the matter fairly. Great
suspicions are also entertained of these persons, lest, as being devoted to
the Meletians, they should go through those Churches whose Bishops are here
[6], and raise an alarm amongst them, and so disorder the whole of Egypt. For
they see that this is already taking place to a great extent.
Accordingly the Count Dionysius wrote to Eusebius and his fellows as
follows.
81. This is what I have already mentioned to my lords, Flacillus and
his fellows, that Athanasius has come forward and complained
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that those very persons have been sent whom he objected to; and crying out
that he has been wronged and deceived. Alexander the lord of my soul [7a] has
also written to me on the subject; and that you may perceive that what his
Goodness has said is reasonable, I have subjoined his letter to be read by
you. Remember also what I wrote to you before: I impressed upon your Goodness,
my lords, that the persons who were sent ought to be commissioned by the
general vote and decision of all. Take care therefore lest our proceedings
fall under censure, and we give just grounds of blame to those who are
disposed to find fault with us. For as the accuser's side ought not to suffer
any oppression, so neither ought the defendant's. And I think that there is no
slight ground of blame against us, when my lord Alexander evidently
disapproves of what we have done.
82. While matters were proceeding thus we withdrew from them, as from an
assembly of treacherous men, for whatsoever they pleased they did, whereas
there is no man in the world but knows that ex parte proceedings cannot stand
good. This the divine law determines for when the blessed Apostle was
suffering under a similar conspiracy and was brought to trial, he demanded,
saying, 'The Jews from Asia ought to have been here before thee, and object,
if they had aught against me.' On which occasion Festus also, when the
Jews wished to lay such a plot against him, as these men have now laid against
me, said, ' It is not the manner of Romans to deliver any man to die, before
that he which is accused have the accuser face to face, and have licence to
answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him [10].' But Eusebius
and his fellows both had the boldness to pervert the law, and have proved more
unjust even than those wrong-doers. For they did not, proceed privately at the
first, but when in consequence of our being present they found themselves
weak, then they straightway went out, like the Jews, and took counsel together
alone, how they might destroy us and bring in their heresy, as those others
demanded Barabbas. For this purpose it was, as they have themselves confessed,
that they did all these l things.
83. Although these circumstances were amply sufficient for our
vindication, yet in order that the wickedness of these men and the freedom of
the truth might be more fully exhibited, I have not felt averse to repeat them
again, in order to shew that they have acted in a manner inconsistently with
themselves, and as men scheming in the dark have fallen foul of their own
friends, and while they desired to destroy us have like insane persons wounded
themselves. For in their investigation of the subject of the Mysteries, they
questioned Jews, they examined Catechumens; 'Where were you,' they said,
'when Macarius came and overturned the Table?' They answered, 'We were
within;' whereas there could be no oblation if Catechumens were present.
Again, although they had written word everywhere, that Macarius came and
overthrew everything, while the Presbyter was standing and celebrating the
Mysteries, yet when they questioned whomsoever they pleased, and asked them,
'Where was Ischyras when Macarius rushed in?' those persons answered that he
was lying sick in a cell. Well, then, he that was lying was not standing, nor
was he that lay sick in his cell offering the oblation. Besides whereas
Ischyras said that certain books had been burnt by Macarius, they who were
suborned to give evidence, declared that nothing of the kind had been done,
but that Ischyras spoke falsely. And what is most remarkable, although they
had again written word everywhere, that those who were able to give evidence
had been concealed by us, yet these persons made their appearance, and they
questioned them, and were not ashamed when they saw it proved on all sides
that they were slanderers, and were acting in this matter clandestinely, and
according to their pleasure. For they prompted the witnesses by signs, while
the Prefect threatened them, and the soldiers pricked them with their swords;
but the Lord revealed the truth, and shewed them to be slanderers. Therefore
also they concealed the minutes of their proceedings, which they retained
themselves, and charged those who wrote them to put out of sight, and to corn
mit to no one whomsoever. But in this also they were disappointed; for the
person who wrote them was Rufus, who is now public executioner in the
Augustallan prefecture, and is able to testify to the truth of this; and
Eusebius and his fellows sent them to Rome by the hands of their own friends,
and Julius the Bishop transmitted them to me. And now they are mad, because we
obtained and read what they wished to conceal.
84. As such was the character of their machinations, so they very soon
shewed plainly the reasons of their conduct. For when they went away, they
took the Arians with them to Jerusalem, and there admitted them to communion,
having sent out a letter concerning
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them, part of which, and the beginning, is as follows.
The holy Council by the grace of God assembled at Jerusalem, to the Church
of God which is in Alexandria, and to the Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, in
all Egypt, the Thebais, Libya, Pentapolis, and throughout the world, sends
health in the Lord.
Having come together out of different Provinces to a great meeting which
we have held for the consecration of the Martyry [3a] of the Saviour, which
has been appointed to the service of God the King of all and of His Christ, by
the zeal of our most God-beloved Emperor Constantine, the grace of God hath
afforded us more abundant rejoicing of heart; which our most God-beloved
Emperor himself hath occasioned us by his letters, wherein he hath stirred us
up to do that which is right, putting away all envy from the Church of God,
and driving far from us all malice, by which the members of God have been
heretofore torn asunder, and that we should with simple and peaceable minds
receive Arius and his fellows, whom envy, that enemy of all goodness, has
caused for a season to be excluded from the Church. Our most religious Emperor
has also in his letter testified to the correctness of their faith, which he
has ascertained from themselves, himself receiving the profession of it from
them by word of mouth, and has now made manifest to us by subjoining to his
own letters the men's orthodox opinion in writing.
85. Every one that hears of these things must see through their treachery.
For they made no concealment of what they were doing; unless perhaps they
confessed the truth without wishing it. For if I was the hindrance to the
admittance of Arius and his fellows into the Church, and if they were received
while I was suffering from their plots, what other conclusion can be arrived
at, than that these things were done on their account, and that all their
proceedings against me, and the story which they fabricated about the breaking
of the cup and the murder of Arsenius, were for the sole purpose of
introducing impiety into the Church, and of preventing their being condemned
as heretics? For this was what the Emperor threatened formerly in his letters
to me. And they were not ashamed to write in the manner they did, and to
affirm that those persons whom the whole Ecumenical Council anathematized held
orthodox sentiments. And as they undertook to say and do anything without
scruple, so they were not afraid to meet together 'in a corner,' in order to
overthrow, as far as was in their power, the authority of so great a Council.
Moreover, the price which they paid for false testimony yet more fully
manifests their wickedness and impious intentions. The Mareotis, as I have
already said, is a country district of Alexandria, in which there has never
been either a Bishop or a Chorepiscopus; but the Churches of the whole
district are subject to the Bishop of Alexandria, and each Presbyter has under
his charge one of the large. st villages, which are about ten or more m
numbers. Now the village in which Ischyras lives is a very small one, and
possesses so few inhabitants, that there has never been a church built there,
but only in the adjoining village. Nevertheless, they determined, contrary to
ancient usage, to nominate a Bishop for this place, and not only so, but
even to appoint one, who was not so much as a Presbyter. Knowing as they did
the unusual nature of such a proceeding, yet being constrained by the promises
they had given in return for his false impeachment of me, they submitted even
to this, lest that abandoned person, if he were ungratefully treated by them,
should disclose the truth, and thereby shew the wickedness of Eusebius and his
fellows. Notwithstanding this he has no church, nor a people to obey him, but
is scouted by them all, like a dog, although they have even caused the
Emperor to write to the Receiver-General (for everything is in their power),
commanding that a church should be built for him, that being possessed of
that, his statement may appear credible about the cup and the table. They
caused him immediately to be nominated a Bishop also, because if he were
without a church, and not even a Presbyter, he would appear to be a false
accuser, and a fabricator of the whole matter. At any rate he has no people,
and even his own relations are not obedient to him, and as the name which he
retains is an empty one, so also the following letter is ineffectual, which he
keeps, making a display of it as an exposure of the utter
145
wickedness of himself and of Eusebius and his fellows.
The Letter of the Receiver-General
Flavius Hemerius sends health to the Tax-collector of the Mareotis.
Ischyras the Presbyter having petitioned the piety of our Lords, Augusti
and Caesars, that a Church might be built in the district of Irene, belonging
to Secontarurus, their dignity has commanded that this should be done as
soon as possible. Take care therefore, as soon as you receive the copy of the
sacred Edict, which with all due veneration is placed above, and the Reports
which have been formed before my devotion, that you quickly make an abstract
of them, and transfer them to the Order book, so that the sacred command may
be put in execution.
86. While they were thus plotting and scheming, I went up [10] and
represented to the Emperor the unjust conduct of Eusebius and his fellows, for
he it was who had commanded the Council to be held, and his Count presided at
it. When he heard my report, he was greatly moved, and wrote to them as
follows. Constantine, Victor, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops assembled
at Tyre.
I know not what the decisions are which you have arrived at in your
Council amidst noise and tumult: but somehow the truth seems to have been
perverted in consequence of certain confusions and disorders, in that you,
through your mutual contentiousness, which you are resolved should prevail,
have failed to perceive what is pleasing to God. However, it will rest with
Divine Providence to disperse the mischiefs which manifestly are found to
arise from this contentious spirit, and to shew plainly to us, whether you,
while assembled in that place, have had any regard for the truth, and whether
you have made your decisions uninfluenced by either favour or enmity.
Wherefore I wish you all to assemble with all speed before my piety in order
that you may render in person a true account of your proceedings.
The reason why I have thought good to write thus to you, and why I summon
you before me by letter, you will learn from what I am going to say. As I was
entering on a late occasion our all-happy home of Constantinople, which bears
our name (I chanced at the time to be on horseback), on a sudden the Bishop
Athanasius, with certain others whom he had with him, approached me in the
middle of the road, so unexpectedly, as to occasion me much amazement. God,
who knoweth all things, is my witness, that I should have been unable at first
sight even to recognise him, had not some of my attendants, on my naturally
inquiring of them, informed me both who it was, and under what injustice he
was suffering. I did not however enter into any conversation with him at that
time, nor grant him an interview; but when he requested to be heard I was
refusing, and all but gave orders for his removal; when with increasing
boldness he claimed only this favour, that you should be summoned to appear,
that he might have an opportunity of complaining before me in your presence,
of the ill-treatment he has met with. As this appeared to me to be a
reasonable request, and suitable to the times, I willingly ordered this letter
to be written to you, in order that all of you, who constituted the Council
which was held at Tyre, might hasten without delay to the Court of my
clemency, so as to prove by facts that you had passed an impartial and
uncorrupt judgment. This, I say, you must do before me, whom not even you will
deny to be a true servant of God.
For indeed through my devotion to God, peace is preserved everywhere, and
the Name of God is truly worshipped even by the barbarians, who have hitherto
been ignorant of the truth. And it is manifest, that he who is ignorant of the
truth, does not know God either. Nevertheless, as I said before, even the
barbarians have now come to the knowledge of God, by means of me, His true
servants, and have learned to fear Him Whom they perceive from actual facts to
be my shield and protector everywhere. And from this chiefly they have come to
know God, Whom they fear through the dread which they have of me. But we, who
are supposed to set forth (for I will not say to guard) the holy mysteries of
His Goodness, we, I say, engage in nothing but what tends to dissension and
hatred, and, in short, whatever contributes to the destruction of mankind. But
hasten, as I said before, and all of you with all speed come to us, being
persuaded that I shall endeavour with all my might to amend what is amiss, so
that those things specially may be preserved and firmly established in the law
of God, to which no blame nor dishonour may attach; while the enemies of the
law, who under pretence of His holy Name bring in manifold and divers
blasphemies, shall be
146
scattered abroad, and entirely crushed, and utterly destroyed.
87. When Eusebius and his fellows read this letter, being conscious of
what they had done, they prevented the rest of the Bishops from going up, and
only themselves went, viz. Eusebius, Theognius, Patrophilus, the other
Eusebius, Ursacius, and Valens. And they no longer said anything about the cup
and Arsenius (for they had not the boldness to do so), but inventing another
accusation which concerned the Emperor himself, they declared before him, that
Athanasius had threatened that he would cause the corn to be withheld which
was sent from Alexandria to his own home. The Bishops Adamantius, Anubion
Agathammon, Arbethion, and Peter, were present and heard this. It was proved
also by the anger of the Emperor; for although he had written the preceding
letter, and had condemned their injustice, as soon as he heard such a charge
as this, he was immediately incensed, and instead of granting me a hearing, he
sent me away into Gaul. And this again shews their wickedness further; for
when the younger Constantine, of blessed memory, sent me back home,
remembering what his father had written, he also wrote as follows.
Constantine CAEsar, to the people of the Catholic Church of the city of
Alexandria.
I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your pious minds, that
Athanasius, the interpreter of the adorable Law, was sent away into Gaul for a
time, with the intent that, as the savageness of his bloodthirsty and
inveterate enemies persecuted him to the hazard of his sacred life, he might
thus escape suffering some irremediable calamity, through the perverse dealing
of those evil men. In order therefore to escape this, he was snatched out of
the jaws of his assailants, and was ordered to pass some time under my
government, and so was supplied abundantly with all necessaries in this city,
where he lived, although indeed his celebrated virtue, relying entirely on
divine assistance, sets at nought the sufferings of adverse fortune. Now
seeing that it was the fixed intention of our master Constantine Augustus, my
Father, to restore the said Bishop to his own place, and to your most beloved
piety, but he was taken away by that fate which is common to all men, and
went to his rest before he could accomplish his wish; I have thought proper to
fulfil that intention of the Emperor of sacred memory which I have inherited
from him. When he comes to present himself before you, you will learn with
what reverence he has been treated. Indeed it is not wonderful, whatever I
have done on his behalf; for the thoughts of your longing desire for him, and
the appearance of so great a man, moved my soul, and urged me thereto. May
Divine Providence continually preserve you, beloved brethren.
Dated from Treveri the 15th before the Cal-ends of July 6. 88. This being
the reason why I was sent away into Gaul, who, I ask again, does not plainly
perceive the intention of the Emperor, and the murderous spirit of Eusebius
and his fellows, and that the Emperor had done this in order to prevent their
forming some more desperate scheme? for he listened to them in simplicity.
Such were the practices of Eusebius and his fellows, and such their
machinations against me. Who that has witnessed them will deny that nothing
has been done in my favour out of partiality, but that that great number of
Bishops both individually and collectively wrote as they did in my behalf and
condemned the falsehood of my enemies justly, and in accordance with the
truth? Who that has observed such proceedings as these will deny that Valens
and Ursacius had good reason to condemn themselves, and to write s as they
did, to accuse themselves when they repented, choosing rather to suffer shame
for a short time, than to undergo the punishment of false accusers for ever
and ever?
89. Wherefore also my blessed fellow-ministers, acting justly and
according to the laws of the Church, while certain affirmed that my case was
doubtful, and endeavoured to compel them to annul the sentence which was
passed in my favour, have now endured all manner of sufferings, and have
chosen rather to be banished than to see the judgment of so many Bishops
reversed. Now if those genuine Bishops had withstood by words only those who
plotted against me, and wished to undo all that had been done in my behalf; or
if they had been ordinary men, and not the
147
Bishops of illustrious cities, and the heads of great Churches, there would
have been room to suspect that in this instance they too had acted
contentiously and in order to gratify me. But when they not only endeavoured
to convince by argument, but also endured banishment, and one of them is
Liberius, Bishop of Rome, (for although he did not endure(10) to the end the
sufferings of banishment, yet he remained in his exile for two years, being
aware of conspiracy formed against us), and since there is also the great
Hosius, together with the Bishops of Italy, and of Gaul, and others from
Spain, and from Egypt, and Libya, and all those from Pentapolis (for although
for a little while, through fear of the threats of Constantius, he seemed not
to resist them L yet the great violence and tyrannical power exercised by
Constantius, and the many insults and stripes inflicted upon him, proved that
it was not because he gave up my cause, but through the weakness of old age,
being unable to bear the stripes, that he yielded to them for a season),
therefore I say, it is altogether right that all, as being fully convinced,
should hate and abominate the injustice and the violence which they have used
towards me; especially as it is well known that I have suffered these things
on account of nothing else but the Arian impiety.
90. Now if anyone wishes to become acquainted with my case, and the
falsehood of Eusebius and his fellows, let him read what has been written in
my behalf, and let him hear the witnesses, not one, or two, or three, but that
great number of Bishops; and again let him attend to the witnesses of these
proceedings, Liberius and Hosius, and their fellows, who when they saw the
attempts made against us, chose rather to endure all manner of sufferings than
to give up the truth, and the judgment which had been pronounced in our
favour. And this they did with an honourable and righteous intention, for what
they suffered proves to what straits the other Bishops were reduced. And they
are memorials and records against the Arian heresy, and the wickedness of
false accusers, and afford a pattern and model for those who come after, to
contend for the truth unto death(2), and to abominate the Arian heresy which
fights against Christ, and is a forerunner of Antichrist, and not to believe
those who attempt to speak against me. For the defence put forth, and the
sentence given, by so many Bishops of high character, are a trustworthy and
sufficient testimony in our behalf.
ADDITIONAL NOTE ON APOL. C. ARIANOS, 50.
List of Bishops present at Sardica.
[The materials for an authentic list are (1) the names given by
Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar. 50, previous to the lists of bishops from various
provinces who signed the letter of the council when in circulation. These
names, given with no specification of their sees, are 77 in number. (2) The
list of signatures to the letter of the council to Julius, given by Hilary,
Fragm. ii., 59 in number. The signatures to the letters discovered by Maffei
and printed in Migne, Pair. Gr. xxvi. 1331, sqq. Of these, 26 sign (3) the
council's letter to the Mareotic Churches, and 61, in part the same, sign (4)
the letter of Athanasius to the same (Letter 46 in this volume). These
signatures comprise 30 names not given by Hilary, while those in (1) add six
which are absent from (2) and (3) alike. This raises the total to 95. We add
(5) Grains of Carthage, present according to the Greek text of the Canons,
although he afterward signed the letter in a local council of his own, like
Maximin of Treveri, Verissimus of Lyons, and Arius of Palestine, who are
therefore given by Athanasius in his second list (the former two being omitted
from the first) : also Euphrates of Cologne, who was sent by Constans to
Antioch with the council's decisions (Prolegg. ch. ii. 6), and was therefore
most likely present at the council itself. We thus get 97 in all
This total is confirmed if we subtract from the '170 more or less' of
Hist. Arian. 15 the 76 seceders to Philippopolis (Sabinus in Socr. ii. 16), 73
of whom sign their letter, given by Hilary. This leaves 94 'more or less,' so
that the list now to be given, in elucidation of that of Athanasius, has
strong claims to rank as approximately correct. The numbers after the names
refer to the sources (1, 2, 3, 4, 5) specified above. 1. Adolius (1), See
unknown; 2. Aetius (1, 3), Thessalonica in Macedonia; 3. Alexander (1, 4),
Cypara (i.e. Cyparissus?) in Achaia; 4. Alexander (2), Montemnae (?) in
Achaia; 5. Alexander (1, 2, 3), Larissa in Thessaly; 6. Alypius (1, 2, 3),
Megara in Achaia; 7. Amantius (1, 4), Viminacium, by deputy; 8. Ammonius (4),
See unknown ; 9. Anianus (1, 2, 4), Casiulo in Spain; 10. Antigonus (1, 4),
Pella, or Pallene in Macedonia; II. Appianus (4), See unknown; 12. Aprianus
(1, 4), Peiabio (Petovio) in
148
Pannonia; 13. Aprianus (4), See unknown; 74. Arius (1, 2, 3), of Palestine,
See unknown (see note on Hist. At. 18); 15. Asclepas (1, 2, 4), Gaza; 16.
Asterius (1, 2, 3), [Petra in] Arabia; 17. Athanasius (1, 2, 3, 4),
Alexandria; 18. Athenodorus (1, 2, 3, 4), Plat'a in Achaia; 19. Bassus (1, 2,
3), Diocletianapolis "in Macedonia" (really in Thrace); 20. Calepodius (1, 2,
3), of Campania (? Naples); 21. Calvus (2, 4), Castrum Martis in Dacia
Ripensis; 22. Caloes or 'Chalbis' (1, 4), 23. Castus (1, 2, 4), Saragossa in
Spain; 24. Cocras (2), Asapofebiae in Achaia (= Asopus), perhaps the
'Socrates' of (1); 25. Cydonius (4), Cydon in Crete; 26. Diodorus (1, 2, 4),
Tenedos; 27. Dionysius (1, 2, 3), Elida (Elis?) in Achaia; 28. Dioscorus (1,
2, 3), Thrace, See unknown; 29. Dometius (or Domitianus) (1, 4), Acaria
Constantias (possibly Castra Constantia = Coutances); 30. Domitianus (1, 2,
3), Asturica in Spain; 31. Eliodorus (1, 2, 3), Nicopolis; 32. Eucarpus (1,
4), Opus in Achaia; 33. (4), See unknown; 34. Eucissus (4), Cissamus in Crete;
35. Eugenius (4 = Euagrius in 2?), (in Lucania? texts very corrupt); 36.
Eugenius (1?, 4), See unknown; 37. Eulogius (1, 4), See unknown Euphrates, see
below (97); 38. Eutasius (2), Pannonia, See unknown; 39. Euterius (1, 2),
'Procia de Cayndo' (corrupt); 40. Eutychius (1, 4), Methone in Achaia; 41.
Eutychius (1, 2), Achia, See unknown; 42. Florentius (1, 2, 4), Emerita in
Spain; 43. Fortunatianus (1, 2), Aquileia; Galba (see above (22); 44.
Gaudentius (1, 2, 4), Naissus; 45. Gerontius (1, 2, 3, 4), a Macedonia in
Brevi(?) in Hil.; Gratus, see below (96); 46. Helianus (1, 4), Tyrtana (?);
Heliodorus, see above (31); 47. Hermogenes (1, 4), Sicyai(?); 48. Hymenaeus
(1, 2, 4), Hypata in Thessaly; 49. Januarius (1, 2, 4), Beneventum in
Campania; 50. John (3), See unknown; 51. Jonas (1, 2, 3), Particopolis in
Macedonia; 52. Irenaeus (1, 2, 4), Scyros 53. Julianus (1, 2, 4), of Thebes in
Achaia (or Thera? see note to Letter 46); 54. Julianus (1, 4), See unknown;
Julius, see below (95); Lerenius (2), see above (52); 55. Lucius (l, 2, 3, 4),
Hadrianople in Thrace; 56. Lucius ('Lucillus' Ath. twice) (1, 2, 4), Verona;
57. Macedonius (1, 2, 4), Ulpiana in Dardania 58. Marcellus (2, 4, Marcellinus
in I), Ancyra; 59. Marcus (1, 2, 4), Siscia on the Save; 60. Martyrius (2, 4),
Naupactus in Achaia; 61. Martyrius (1, 4), See unknown; 62. Maximus (1, 2),
Luca in Tuscany; 63. Maximus (i.e. Maximinus) (4), Treviri; 64. Musonius (1,
4), Heraclea in Crete; 65. Moyses (or Musaeus, 1, 2), Thebes in Thessaly; 66.
Olympius (4), Aeni in Thrace; 67. Osius (Hosius), (1, 2, 3), Cordova; 68.
Palladius (1, 2, 4), Dium in Macedonia; 69. Paregorius (1, 2, 3, 4), Scupi in
Dardania; 70. Patricius (I), See unknown; 71. Peter (I), See unknown; 72.
Philologius (1), See unknown; 73. Plutarchus (1, 2, 3), Patrae in Achaia; 74.
Porphyrius (1, 2, 3, 4), Philippi in Macedonia; 75. Praetextatus (1, 2, 4),
Barcelona; 76. Protasius (1, 2, 4), Milan; 77. Protogenes (1, 2, 4), Sardica;
78. Restitutus (1, 3), See unknown; 79. Sapricius (1), See unknown; 80.
Severus (4), Chalcis in Thessaly (Euboea); St. Severus (1, 2, 3), Ravenna;
Socrates (1), see above, no. 24; 82. Spudasius (1), See unknown; 83.
Stercorius (1, 2, 4), Canusium in Apulia; 84. Symphorus (1, 4), Hierapythna in
Crete; Titius (2), see above (40); 85. Trypho (1, 2, 4), Achaia (See uncertain
from corruption of text); 86. Valens (1, 2, 3), 'Scio' in Dacia Ripensis; 87.
Verissimus (2, 4, text of latter gives 'Broseus' corruptly), Lyons; 88.
Vincentius (1, 2, 3), Capua; 89. Vitalis (1, 2), Aquae in Dacia Ripensis; 90.
Vitalis 1, 3, 4), Vertara in Africa; 91. Ursacius (1, 2, 4), Brixia in Italy;
92. Zosimus (1, 2, 4), Lychnidus or Lignidus in Dacia; 93. Zosimus (1, 4),
Horrea Margi in Moesia; 94. Zosimus (1, 4), See unknown; 95. Julius (l, 4),
Rome (by deputies); 96. Gratus (5), Carthage; 97. Euphrates (5), Cologne.
The names, both of bishops and of sees, have suffered much in
transcription, and the above list is the result of cornering the divergent
errors of the various lists. The details of the latter will be found in the
and in the discussion of the Ballerini, on whose work (in Leonis M. Opp. vol.
iii. pp. xlii. sqq.) is founded. In some cases the names of the see are
clearly corrupt beyond all recognition. The signatures appended to the canons
in the collections of councils, are taken (with certain uncritical
adaptations) from the Hilarian list, with the addition, in some copies, of
Alexander (3 supra), whose name, probably dropped out of the Hilarian text in
course of transmission.]