APOLOGIA AD CONSTANTIUM
DEFENCE BEFORE CONSTANTIUS
2. Knowing that you have been a Christian for many years[1], most
religious Augustus, and that you are godly by descent, I cheerfully undertake
to answer for myself at this time;--for I will use the language of the blessed
Paul,, and make him my advocate before you, considering that he was a preacher
of the truth, and that you are an attentive hearer of his words.
With respect to those ecclesiastical matters, which have been made the
ground of a conspiracy against me, it is sufficient to refer your Piety to the
testimony of the many Bishops who have written in my behalf[2]; enough too is
the recantation of Ursacius and Valens[3] to prove to all men, that none of
the charges which they set up against me had any truth in them. For what
evidence can others produce so strong, as what they declared in writing? 'We
lied, we invented these things; all the accusations against Athanasius are
full of falsehood.' To this clear proof may be added, if you will vouchsafe to
hear it, this circumstance that the accusers brought no evidence against
Macarius the presbyter while we were present; but in our absence 4, when they
were by themselves, they managed the matter as they pleased. Now, the Divine
Law first of all, and next our own Laws 5, have expressly declared, that such
proceedings are of no force whatsoever. From these things your piety, as a
lover of God and of the truth, will, I am sure, perceive that we are free from
all suspicion, and will pronounce our opponents to be false accusers.
2. The first charge, of setting Constans
against Constantius.
But as to the slanderous charge which has been preferred against me before
your Grace, respecting correspondence with the most pious Augustus, your
brother Constans[6], of blessed and everlasting memory (for my enemies report
this of me, and have ventured to assert it in writing), the former events[7]
are sufficient to prove this also to be untrue. Had it been alleged by another
set of persons, the matter would indeed have been a fit subject of enquiry,
but it would have required strong evidence, and open proof in presence of both
parties: but when the same persons who invented the former charge, are the
authors also of this, is it not reasonable to conclude from the issue of the
one, the falsehood of the other? For this cause they again conferred together
in private, thinking to be able to deceive your Piety before I was aware. But
in this they failed: you would not listen to them as they desired, but
patiently gave me an opportunity to make my defence. And, in that you were not
immediately moved to demand vengeance, you acted only as was righteous in a
Prince, whose duty it is to wait for the defence of the injured party. Which
if you will vouchsafe to hear, I am confident that in this matter also you
will condemn those reckless men, who have no fear of that God, who has
commanded us not to speak falsely before the king[8].
3. He never saw Constans alone.
But in truth I am ashamed even to have to defend myself against charges
such as these, which I do not suppose that even the accuser himself would
venture to make mention of in my presence. For he knows full well that he
speaks untruly, and that I was never so mad, so reft of my senses, as even to
be open to the suspicion of having conceived any such thing. So that had I
been questioned by any other on this subject, I would not even have answered,
lest, while I was making my defence, my hearers should for a time have
suspended their judgment concerning me. But to your Piety I answer with a loud
and clear voice, and
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stretching forth my hand, as I have learned from the Apostle, 'I call God for
a record upon my soul[9],' and as it is written in the histories of the Kings
(let me be allowed to say the same), 'The Lord is witness, and His Anointed is
witness[10],' I have never spoken evil of your Piety before your brother
Constans, the most religious Augustus of blessed memory. I did not exasperate
him against you, as these have falsely accused me. But whenever in my
interviews with him he has mentioned your Grace (and he did mention you at the
time that Thalassus[1] came to Pitybion, and I was staying at Aquileia), the
Lord is witness, how I spoke of your Piety in terms which I would that God
would reveal unto your soul, that you might condemn the falsehood of these my
calumniators. Bear with me, most gracious Augustus, and freely grant me your
indulgence while I speak of this matter. Your most Christian brother was not a
man of so light a temper, nor was I a person of such a character, that we
should communicate together on a subject like this, or that I should slander a
brother to a brother, or speak evil of an emperor before an emperor. I am not
so mad, Sire, nor have I forgotten that divine utterance which says, 'Curse
not the king, no, not in thy thought; and curse not the rich in thy
bedchamber: for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, and that which hath
wings shall tell the matter[2].' If then those things, which are spoken in
secret against you that are kings, are not hidden it is not incredible that I
should have spoken against you in the presence of a king, and of so many
bystanders? For I never saw your brother by myself, nor did he ever converse
with me in private, but I was always introduced in company with the Bishop of
the city where I happened to be, and with others that chanced to be there. We
entered the presence together, and together we retired. Fortunatian[3], Bishop
of Aquileia, can testify this, the father Hosius is able to say the same, as
also are Crispinus, Bishop of Padua, Lucillus of a Verona, Dionysius of Leis,
and Vincentius of Campania. And although Maximinus of Treveri, and Protasius
of Milan, are dead, yet Eugenius, who was Master of the Palace[4], can bear
witness for me; for he stood before the veil[5], heard what we requested of
the Emperor, and what he vouchsafed to reply to us.
4. The movements of Athanasius refute this
charge.
This certainly is sufficient for proof, yet suffer me nevertheless to lay
before you an account of my travels, which will further lead you to condemn
the unfounded calumnies of my opponents. When I left Alexandria[6], I did not
go to your brother's head-quarters, or to any other persons, but only to Rome;
and having laid my case before the Church (for this was my only concern), I
spent my time in the public worship. I did not write to your brother, except
when Eusebius and his fellows had written to him to accuse me, and I was
compelled while yet at Alexandria to defend myself; and again when I sent to
him volumes[7] containing the holy Scriptures, which he had ordered me to
prepare for him. It behoves me, while I defend my conduct, to tell the truth
to your Piety. When however three years had passed away, he wrote to me in i
the fourth year[7a], commanding me to meet him (he was then at Milan); and
upon enquiring the cause (for I was ignorant of it, the Lord is my witness), I
learnt that certain Bishops[8] had gone up and requested him to write to your
Piety, desiring that a Council might be called. Believe me, Sire, this is the
truth of the matter; I lie not. Accordingly I went down to Milan, and met with
great kindness from him; for he condescended to see me, and to say that he had
despatched letters to you, requesting that a Council might be called. And
while I remained in that city, he sent for me again into Gaul (for the father
Hosius was going thither), that we might travel from thence to Sardica. And
after the Council, he wrote to me while I continued at Naissus[9], and I went
up, and abode afterwards at Aquileia; where the
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letters of your Piety found me. And again, being invited thence by your
departed brother, I returned into Gaul, and so came at length to your Piety.
5. No possible time or place for the alleged
offence.
Now what place and time does my accuser specify, at which I made use of
these expressions according to his slanderous imputation? In whose presence
was I so mad as to give utterance to the words which he has falsely charged me
with speaking? Who is there ready to support the charge, and to testify to the
fact? What his own eyes have seen that ought he to speak[1], as holy Scripture
enjoins. But no; he will find no witnesses of that which never took place. But
I take your Piety to witness, together with the Truth, that I lie not. I
request you, for I know you to be a person of excellent memory, to call to
mind the conversation I had with you, when you condescended to see me, first
at Viminacium[2], a second time at Caesarea in Cappadocia, and a third[3] time
at Antioch. Did I speak evil before you even of Eusebius and his fellows who
had persecuted me? Did I cast imputations upon any of those that have done me
wrong? If then I imputed nothing to any of those against whom I had a fight to
speak, how could I be so possessed with madness as to slander an Emperor
before an Emperor, and to set a brother at variance with a brother? I beseech
you, either cause me to appear before you that the thing may be proved, or
else condemn these calumnies, and follow the example of David, who says,
'Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I destroy[4].' As much as in
them lies, they have slain me; for 'the mouth that belieth, slayeth the
soul[5].' But your long-suffering has prevailed against them, and given me
confidence to defend myself, that they may suffer condemnation, as contentious
and slanderous persons. Concerning your most religious brother, of blessed
memory, this may suffice: for you will be able, according to the wisdom which
God has given you, to gather much from the little I have said, and to
recognise the fictitious charge.
6. The second charge, of corresponding
with Magnentius.
With regard to the second calumny, that I have written letters to the
tyrant 6 (his name I am unwilling to pronounce), I beseech you investigate and
try the matter, in whatever way you please, and by whomsoever you may approve
of. The extravagance of the charge so confounds me, that I am in utter
uncertainty how to act. Believe me, most religious Prince, many times did I
weigh the matter in my mind, but was unable to believe that any one could be
so mad as to utter such a falsehood. But when this charge was published abroad
by the Arians, as well as the former, and they boasted that they had delivered
to you a copy of the letter, I was the more amazed, and I used to pass
sleepless nights contending against the charge, as if in the presence of my
accusers; and suddenly breaking forth into a loud cry, I would immediately
fall to my prayers, desiring with groans and tears that I might obtain a
favourable hearing from you. And now that by the grace of the Lord, I have
obtained such a hearing, I am again at a loss how I shall begin my defence;
for as often as I make an attempt to speak, I am prevented by my horror at the
deed. In the case of your departed brother, the slanderers had indeed a
plausible pretence for what they alleged; because I had been admitted to see
him, and he had condescended to write to your brotherly affection concerning
me; and he had often sent for me to come to him, and had honoured me when I
came. But for the traitor Magnentius, 'the Lord is witness, and His Anointed
is witness[6a],' I know him not nor was ever acquainted with him. What
correspondence then could there be between persons so entirely unacquainted
with each other? What reason was there to induce me to write to such a man?
How could I have commenced my letter, had I written to him? Could I have said,
'You have done well to murder the man who honoured me, whose kindness I shall
never forget?' Or, 'I approve of your conduct in destroying our Christian
friends, and most faithful brethren?' or, 'I approve of your proceedings in
butchering those who so kindly entertained me at Rome; for instance, your
departed Aunt Eutropia[6b], whose disposition answered to her name, that
worthy man, Abuterius, the most faithful Spirantius, and many other excellent
persons?'
7. This charge utterly incredible and absurd.
Is it not mere madness in my accuser even to suspect me of such a thing?
What, I ask again, could induce me to place confidence in this man? What trait
did I perceive in his character on which I could rely? He had
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murdered his own master; he had proved faithless to his friends; he had
violated his oath; he had blasphemed God, by consulting poisoners and
sorcerers[7] contrary to his Law. And with what conscience could I send
greeting to such a man, whose madness and cruelty had afflicted not me only,
but all the world around me? To be sure, I was very greatly indebted to him
for his conduct, that when your departed brother had filled our churches with
sacred offerings, he murdered him. For the wretch was not moved by the sight
of these his gifts, nor did he stand in awe of the divine grace which had been
given to him in baptism: but like au accursed and devilish spirit, he raged
against him, till your blessed brother suffered martyrdom at his bands; while
he, henceforth a criminal like Cain, was driven from place to place, 'groaning
and trembling[8],' to the end that he might follow the example of Judas in his
death, by becoming his own executioner, and so bring upon himself a double
weight of punishment in the judgment to come.
8. Disproof of it.
With such a man the slanderer thought that I had been on terms of
friendship, or rather he did not think so, but like an enemy invented an
incredible fiction: for he knows full well that he has lied. I would that,
whoever he is, he were present here, that I might put the question to him on
the word of Truth itself (for whatever we speak as in the presence of God, we
Christians consider as an oath[9]); I say, that I might ask him this question,
which of us rejoiced most in the well-being of the departed Constans? who
prayed for him most earnestly? The facts of the foregoing charge prove this;
indeed it is plain to every one how the case stands. But although he himself
knows full well, that no one who was so disposed towards the departed
Constans, and who truly loved him, could be a friend to his enemy, I fear that
being possessed with other feelings towards him than I was, he has falsely
attributed to me those sentiments of hatred which were entertained by himself.
9. Athanasius could not write to one who did not even know him.
For myself, I am so surprised at the enormity of the thing, that I am
quite uncertain what I ought to say in my defence. I can only declare, that I
condemn myself to die ten thousand deaths, if even the least suspicion
attaches to me in this matter. And to you, Sire, as a lover of the truth, I
confidently make my appeal. I beseech you, as I said before, investigate this
affair, and especially with the testimony of those who were once sent by him
as ambassadors to you. These are the Bishops Sarvatius[1] and Maximus and the
rest, with Clementius and Valens. Enquire of them, I beseech you, whether they
brought letters to me. If they did, this would give me occasion to write to
him. But if he did not write to me, if he did not even know me, how could I
write to one with whom I had no acquaintance? Ask them whether, when I saw
Clementius and his fellows, and spoke of your brother of blessed memory, I did
not, in the language of Scripture, wet my garments with tears', when I
remembered his kindness of disposition and his Christian spirit. Learn of them
how anxious I was, on hearing of the cruelty of the beast, and finding that
Valens and his company had come by way of Libya, lest he should attempt a
passage also, and like a robber murder those who held in love and memory the
departed Prince, among whom I account myself second to none.
10. His loyalty towards Constantius and
his brother.
How with this apprehension of such a design on their part, was there not
an additional probability of my praying for your Grace? Should I feel
affection for his murderer, and entertain dislike towards you his brother who
avenged his death? Should I remember his crime, and forget that kindness of
yours which you vouchsafed to assure me by letters should remain the same
towards me after your brother's death of happy memory, as it had been during
his lifetime? How could I have borne to look upon the murderer? Must I not
have thought that the blessed Prince beheld me, when I prayed for your safety?
For brothers are by nature mirrors of each other. Wherefore as seeing you in
him, I never should have slandered you before him; and as seeing him in you,
never should I have written to his enemy, instead of praying for your safety.
Of this my witnesses are, first of aIl, the Lord who has heard and has given
to you entire the kingdom of your forefathers: and next those persons who were
present at the time, Felicissimus, who was Duke of
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Egypt, Rufinus, and Stephanus, the former of whom was Receiver-general, the
latter, Master there; Count Asterius, and Palladius Master of the palace,
Antiochus and Evagrius Official Agents[4]. I had only to say,'Let us pray for
the safety of the most religious Emperor, Constantius Augustus,' and all the
people immediately cried out with one voice 'O Christ send help to
Constantius;' and they continued praying thus for some time[5].
11. Challenge to the accusers as to the
alleged letter.
Now I have already called upon God, and His Word, the Only-begotten Son
our Lord Jesus Christ, to witness for me, that I have never written to that
man, nor received letters from him. And as to my accuser, give me leave to ask
him a few short questions concerning this charge also. How did he come to the
knowledge of this matter? Will he say that he has got copies of the letter?
for this is what the Arians laboured to prove. Now in the first place, even if
he can shew writing resembling mine, the thing is not yet certain ; for there
are forgers, who have often imitated the hand[6] even of you who are Emperors.
And the resemblance will not prove the genuineness of the letter, unless my
customary amanuensis shall testify in its favour. I would then again ask my
accusers, Who provided you with these copies? and whence were they obtained? I
had my writers[6a], and he his servants, who received his letters from the
bearers, and gave them into his hand. My assistants are forthcoming; vouchsafe
to summon the others (for they are most probably still living), and enquire
concerning these letters. Search into the matter, as though Truth were the
partner of your throne. She is the defence of Kings, and especially of
Christian Kings; with her you will reign most securely, for holy Scripture
says, 'Mercy and truth preserve the king, and they will encircle his throne in
righteousness[7.' And the wise Zorobabel gained a victory over the others by
setting forth the power of Truth, and all the people cried out, 'Great is the
truth, and mighty above all things[8].'
12. Truth the defence of Thrones.
Had I been accused before any other, I should have appealed to your Piety;
as once the Apostle appealed unto Caesar, and put an end to the designs of his
enemies against him. But since they have had the boldness to lay their charge
before you, to whom shall I appeal from you? to the Father of Him who says, 'I
am the Truth[9],' that He may incline your heart into clemency :--
O Lord Almighty, and King of eternity, the Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who by Thy Word hast given this Kingdom to Thy servant Constantius; do
Thou shine into his heart, that he, knowing the falsehood that is set against
me, may both favourably receive this my defence; and may make known unto all
men, that his ears are firmly set to hearken unto the Truth, according as it
is written, Righteous lips alone are acceptable unto the King[10].' For Thou
hast caused it to be said by Solomon, that thus the throne of the kingdom
shall be established.
Wherefore at least enquire into this matter, and let the accusers
understand that your desire is to learn the truth; and see, whether they will
not shew their falsehood by their very looks; for the countenance is a test of
the conscience as it is written, 'A merry heart maketh a cheerful countenance,
but by sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken[1].' Thus they who had
conspired against Joseph[2] were convicted by their own consciences; and the
craft of Laban towards Jacob was shewn in his countenance[3]. And thus you see
the suspicious alarm of these persons, for they fly and hide themselves; but
on our part frankness in making our defence. And the question between us is
not one regarding worldly wealth, but concerning the honour of the Church. He
that has been struck by a stone, applies to a physician; but sharper than a
stone are the strokes of calumny; for as Solomon has said, 'A false witness is
a maul, and a sword, and a sharp arrow[4],' and its wounds Truth alone is able
to cure; and if Truth be set at nought, they grow worse and worse.
13. This charge rests on forgery.
It is this that has thrown the Churches everywhere into such confusion;
for pretences have been devised, and Bishops of great authority, and of
advanced age[5], have been banished for holding communion with me. And if
matters had stopped here, our prospect would be favourable through your
gracious interposition. But that the evil may not extend itself, let Truth
prevail before you; and leave not every Church under suspicion, as though
Christian men, nay even Bishops, could be guilty of plotting and writing in
this manner. Or if you are unwilling to investigate the matter, it is but
right that we who offer our defence, should be believed, rather than our
calumniators. They, like enemies, are occupied in wickedness; we, as earnestly
contending for our cause, present to you our proofs. And truly I wonder how it
comes to pass, that while we address you with fear and reverence, they are
possessed of such an impudent spirit, that they dare even to lie before the
Emperor. But I pray you, for the Truth's sake, and as it is written[5a],
'search diligently' in my presence, on what grounds they affirm these things,
and whence these letters were obtained. But neither will any of my servants be
proved guilty, nor will any of his people be able to tell whence they came;
for they are forgeries. And perhaps one had better not enquire further. They
do not wish it, lest the writer of the letters should be certain of detection.
For the calumniators alone, and none besides, know who he is.
14. The third charge, of using an undedicated
Church.
But forasmuch as they have informed against me in the matter of the great
Church[5b], that a communion was holden there before it was completed, I will
answer to your Piety on this charge also; for the parties who are hostile
towards me constrain me to do so. I confess this did so happen; for, as in
what I have hitherto said, I have spoken no lie, I will not now deny this.
But the facts are far otherwise than they have represented them. Suffer me to
declare to you, most religious Augustus, that we kept no day of dedication
(it would certainly have been unlawful to do so, before receiving orders from
you), nor were we led to act as we did through premeditation. No Bishop or
other Clergyman was invited to join in our proceedings; for much was yet
wanting to complete the building. Nay the congregation was not held on a
previous notice, which might give them a reason for informing against us.
Every one knows how it happened; hear me, however, with your accustomed equity
and patience. It was the feast of Easter[5c], and the multitude assembled
together was exceeding great, such as Christian kings would desire to see in
all their cities. Now when the Churches were found to be too few to contain
them, there was no little stir among the people, who desired that they might
be allowed to meet together in the great Church, where they could all offer up
their prayers for your safety. And this they did; for although I exhorted them
to wait awhile, and to hold service in the other Churches, with whatever
inconvenience to themselves, they would not listen to me; but were ready to go
out of the city, and meet in desert places in the open air, thinking it better
to endure the fatigue of the journey, than to keep the feast in such a state
of discomfort.
15. Want of room the cause, precedent the
justification.
Believe me, Sire, and let Truth be my witness in this also, when I declare
that in the congregations held during the season of Lent, in consequence of
the narrow limits of the places, and the vast multitude of people assembled, a
great number of children, not a few of the younger and very many of the older
women, besides several young men, suffered so much from the pressure of the
crowd, that they were obliged to be carried home; though by the Providence of
God, no one is dead. All however murmured, and demanded the use of the great
Church. And if the pressure was so great during the days which preceded the
feast, what would have been the case during the feast itself? Of course
matters would have been far worse. It did not therefore become me to change
the people's joy into grief, their cheerfulness into sorrow, and to make the
festival a season of lamentation.
And that the more, because I had a precedent in the conduct of our
Fathers. For the blessed Alexander, when the other places were too small, and
he was engaged in the erection of what was then considered a very large one,
the Church of Theonas[6], held
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his congregations there on account of the number of the people, while at the
same time he proceeded with the building. I have seen the same thing done at
Treveri and at Aquileia, in both which places, while the building was
proceeding, they assembled there during the feasts, on account of the number
of the people and they never found any one to accuse them in this manner. Nay,
your brother of blessed memory was present, when a communion was held under
these circumstances at Aquileia. I also followed this course. There was no
dedication, but only a service of prayer. You, at least I am sure, as a lover
of God will approve of the people's zeal, and will pardon me for being
unwilling to hinder the prayers of so great a multitude:
16. Better to pray together than separately.
But here again I would ask my accuser, where was it right that the people
should pray? in the deserts, or in a place which was in course of building for
the purpose of prayer? Where was it becoming and pious that the people should
answer, Amen[7]? in the deserts, or in what was already called the Lord's
house? Where would you, most religious Prince, have wished your people to
stretch forth their hands, and to pray for you? Where Greeks, as they passed
by, might stop and listen, or in a place named after yourself, which all men
have long called the Lord's house, even since the foundations of it were laid?
I am sure that you prefer your own place; for you smile, and that tells me so.
'But,' says the accuser, 'it ought to have been in the Churches. They were
all, as I said before, too small and confined to admit the multitude. Then
again, in which way was it most becoming that their prayers should be made?
Should they meet together in parts and separate companies, with danger from
the crowded state of the congregation? or, when there was now a place that
would contain them all, should they assemble in it, and speak as with one and
the same voice in perfect harmony? This was the better course, for this shewed
the unanimity of the multitude: in this way God will readily hear prayer. For
if, according to the promise of our Saviour Himself[8], where two shall agree
together as touching anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for them,
how shall it be when so great an assembly of people with one voice utter their
Amen to God? Who indeed was there that did not marvel at the sight? Who but
pronounced you happy when they saw so great a multitude met together in one
place? How did the people themselves rejoice to see each other, having been
accustomed heretofore to assemble in separate places! The circumstance was a
source of pleasure to all; of vexation to the calumniator alone.
17. Better to pray, in a building than in
the desert.
Now then, I would also meet the other and only remaining objection of my
accuser. He says, the building was not completed, and prayer ought not to have
been made there. But the Lord said, 'But thou, when thou prayest, enter into
thy closet, and shut the door[9].' What then will the accuser answer? or
rather what will all prudent and true Christians say? Let your Majesty ask the
opinion of such: for it is written of the other, 'The foolish person will
speak foolishness[10];' but of these, 'Ask counsel of all that are wise[1].'
When the Churches were too small, and the people so numerous as they were, and
desirous to go forth into the deserts, what ought I to have done? The desert
has no doors, and all who choose may pass through it, but the Lord's house is
enclosed with walls and doors, and marks the difference between the pious and
the profane. Will not every wise person then, as well as your Piety, Sire,
give the preference to the latter place? For they know that here prayer is
lawfully offered, while a suspicion of irregularity attaches to it there.
Unless indeed no place proper for it existed, and the worshippers dwelt only
in the desert, as was the case with Israel; although after the tabernacle was
built, they also had thenceforth a place set apart for prayer. O Christ, Lord
and true King of kings, Only-begotten Son of God, Word and Wisdom of the
Father, I am accused because the people prayed Thy gracious favour, and
through Thee besought Thy Father, who is God over all, to save Thy servant,
the most religious Constantius. But thanks be to Thy goodness, that it is for
this that I am blamed, and for the keeping of Thy laws. Heavier had been the
blame, and more true had been the charge, had we passed by the place which the
Emperor was building, and gone forth into the desert to pray. How would the
accuser then have vented his folly l With what apparent reason would he have
said, 'He despised the place which you are building; he does not approve of
your undertaking; he passed it by in derision; he pointed to the desert to
supply the want of
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room; he prevented the people when they wished to offer up their prayers.'
This is what he wished to say, and sought an occasion of saying it; and
finding none he is vexed, and so forthwith invents a charge against me. Had he
been able to say this, he would have confounded me with shame; as now he
injures me, copying the accuser's ways, and watching for an occasion against
those that pray. Thus has he perverted to a wicked purpose his knowledge of
Daniel's[2] history. But he has been deceived; for he ignorantly imagined,
that Babylonian practices were in fashion with you, and knew not that you are
a friend of the blessed Daniel, and worship the same God, and do not forbid,
but wish all men to pray, knowing that the prayer of all is, that you may
continue to reign in perpetual peace and safety.
18. Prayers first do not interfere with dedication afterwards.
This is what I have to complain of on the part of my accuser. But may you,
most religious Augustus, live through the course of many years to come, and
celebrate the dedication of the Church, Surely the prayers which have been
offered for your safety by all men, are no hindrance to this celebration. Let
these unlearned persons cease such misrepresentations, but let them learn from
the example of the Fathers; and let them read the Scriptures. Or rather let
them learn of you, who are so well instructed in such histories, how that
Joshua the son of Josedek the priest, and his brethren, and Zorobabel the
wise, the son of Salathiel, and Ezra the priest and scribe of the law, when
the temple was in course of building after the captivity, the feast of
tabernacles being at hand (which was a great feast and time of assembly and
prayer in Israel), gathered[3] the people together with one accord in the
great court within the first gate, which is toward the East, and prepared the
altar to God, and there offered their gifts, and kept the feast. And so
afterwards they brought hither their sacrifices, on the sabbaths and the new
moons, and the people offered up their prayers. And yet the Scripture says
expressly, that when these things were done, the temple of God was not yet
built; but rather while they thus prayed, the building of the house was
advancing. So that neither were their prayers deferred in expectation of the
dedication, nor was the dedication prevented by the assemblies held for the
sake of prayer. But the people thus continued to pray; and when the house was
entirely finished, they celebrated the dedication, and brought their gifts for
that purpose, and all kept the feast for the completion of the work. And thus
also have the blessed Alexander, and the other Fathers done. They continued to
assemble their people, and when they had completed the work they gave thanks
unto the Lord, and celebrated the dedication. This also it befits you to do, O
Prince, most careful in your inquiries. The place is ready, having been
already sanctified by the prayers which have been offered in it, and requires
only the presence of your Piety. This only is wanting to its perfect beauty.
Do you then supply this deficiency, and there make your prayers unto the Lord,
for whom you have built this house. That you may do so is the prayer of all
men.
19. Fourth charge, of having disobeyed an
Imperial order.
And now, if it please you, let us consider the remaining accusation, and
permit me to answer it likewise. They have dared to charge me with resisting
your commands, and refusing to leave my Church. Truly I wonder they are not
weary of uttering their calumnies; I however am not yet weary of answering
them, I rather rejoice to do so; for the more abundant my defence is, the more
entirely must they be condemned. I did not resist the commands of your Piety,
God forbid; I am not a man that would resist even the Quaestor[3a] of the
city, much less so great a Prince. On this matter I need not many words, for
the whole city will bear witness for me. Nevertheless, permit me again to
relate the circumstances from the beginning; for when you hear them, I am sure
you will be astonished at the presumption of my enemies. Montanus, the officer
of the Palace[4], came and brought me a letter, which purported to be an
answer to one from me, requesting that I might go into Italy, for the purpose
of obtaining a supply of the deficiencies which I thought existed in the
condition of our Churches. Now I desire to thank your Piety, which
condescended to assent to my request, on the supposition that I had written to
you, and has made provision[5] for me to undertake the journey, and to
accomplish it without trouble. But here again I am astonished at those who
have spoken falsehood in your ears, that they were not afraid, seeing that
lying belongs to the Devil, and that liars are alien from Him who says, 'I am
the Truth[6].' For I never wrote to you, nor will my accuser be able to find
any such letter; and though I ought to have written every day, if I might
thereby
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behold your gracious countenance, yet it would neither have been pious to
desert the Churches, nor right to be troublesome to your Piety, especially
since you are willing to grant our requests in behalf of the Church, although
we are not present to make them. Now may it please you to order me to read
what Montanus commanded me to do. This is as follows[7]. * * *
20. History of his disobeying it.
Now I ask again, whence have my accusers obtained this letter also? I
would learn of them who it was that put it into their hands? Do you cause them
to answer. By this you may perceive that they have forged this, as they spread
abroad also the former letter, which they published against me, with reference
to the ill-named Magnentius. And being convicted in this instance also, on
what pretence next will they bring me to make my defence? Their only concern
is, to throw everything into disorder and confusion; and for this end I
perceive they exercise their zeal. Perhaps they think that by frequent
repetition of their charges, they will at last exasperate you against me. But
you ought to turn away from such persons, and to hate them; for such as
themselves are, such also they imagine those to be who listen to them; and
they think that their calumnies will prevail even before you. The accusation
of Doeg[8] prevailed of old against the priests of God: but it was the
unrighteous Saul, who hearkened unto him. And Jezebel was able to injure the
most religious Naboth[9] by her false accusations; but then it was the wicked
and apostate Ahab who hearkened unto her. But the most holy David, whose
example it becomes you to follow, as all pray that you may, favours not such
men, but was wont to turn away from them and avoid them, as raging dogs. He
says, 'Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I destroy[10].' For he
kept the commandment which says, 'Thou shall not receive a false report[11].'
And false are the reports of these men in your sight. You, like Solomon, have
required of the Lord (and you ought to believe yourself to have obtained your
desire), that it would seem good unto Him to remove far from you vain and
lying words[12].
21. Forasmuch then as the letter owed its origin to a false story, and
contained no order that I should come to you, I concluded that it was not the
wish of your Piety that I should come. For in that you gave me no absolute
command, but merely wrote as in answer to a letter from me, requesting that I
might be permitted to set in order the things which seemed to be wanting, it
was manifest to me (although no one told me this) that the letter which I had
received did not express the sentiments of your Clemency. All knew, and I also
stated in writing, as Montanus is aware, that I did not refuse to come, but
only that I thought it unbecoming to take advantage of the supposition that I
had written to you to request this favour, fearing also lest the false
accusers should find in this a pretence for saying that I made myself
troublesome to your Piety. Nevertheless, I made preparations, as Montanus also
knows, in order that, should you condescend to write to me, I might
immediately leave home, and readily answer your commands; for I was not so mad
as to resist such an order from you. When then in fact your Piety did not
write to me, how could I resist a command which I never received? or how can
they say that I refused to obey, when no orders were given me? Is not this
again the mere fabrication of enemies, pretending that which never took place?
I fear that even now, while I am engaged in this defence of myself, they may
allege against me that I am doing that which I have never obtained your
permission to do. So easily is my conduct made matter of accusation by them,
and so ready are they to vent their calumnies in despite of that Scripture,
which says, 'Love not to slander another, lest thou be cut off[1].'
22. Arrivals of Diogenes and of Syrianus.
After a period of six and twenty months, when Montanus had gone away,
there came Diogenes the Notary[2]; but he brought me no letter, nor did we see
each other, nor did he charge me with any commands as from you. Moreover when
the General Syrianus entered Alexandria[3], seeing that certain reports were
spread abroad by the Arians, who declared that matters would now be as they
wished, I enquired whether he had brought any letters on the subject of these
statements of theirs. I confess that I asked for letters containing your
commands. And when he said that he bad brought none, I requested that Syrianus
himself, or Maximus the Prefect of Egypt, would write to me concerning this
matter. Which request I made, because your Grace has written
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to me, desiring that I would not suffer myself to be alarmed by any one, nor
attend to those who wished to frighten me, but that I would continue to reside
in the Churches without fear. It was Palladius, the Master of the Palace, and
Asterius, formerly Duke of Armenia, who brought me this letter. Permit me to
read a copy of it. It is as follows:
23. A copy[4] of the letter as follows:
Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius[5]. It is not unknown to your
Prudence, how constantly I prayed that success might attend my late brother
Constans in all his undertakings, and your wisdom will easily judge how
greatly I was afflicted, when I learnt that he had been cut off by the
treachery of villains. Now forasmuch as certain persons are endeavouring at
this time to alarm you, by setting before your eyes that lamentable tragedy, I
have thought good to address to your Reverence this present letter, to exhort
you, that, as becomes a Bishop, you would teach the people to conform to the
established[6] religion, and, according to your custom, give yourself up to
prayer together with them. For this is agreeable to our wishes; and our desire
is, that you should at every season be a Bishop in your own place.
And in another hand:--May divine Providence preserve you, beloved Father,
many years.
24. Why Athanasius did not obey the
Imperial Order.
On the subject of this letter, my opponents conferred with the
magistrates. And was it not reasonable that I, having received it, should
demand their letters, and refuse to give heed to mere pretences? And were they
not acting in direct contradiction to the tenor of your instructions to me,
while they failed to shew me the commands of your Piety? I therefore, seeing
they produced no letters from you, considered it improbable that a mere verbal
communication should be made to them, especially as the letter of your Grace
had charged me not to give ear to such persons. I acted rightly then, most
religious Augustus, that as I had returned to my country under the authority
of your letters, so I should only leave it by your command; and might not
render myself liable hereafter to a charge of having deserted the Church, but
as receiving your order might have a reason for my retiring. This was demanded
for me by all my people, who went to Syrianus together with the Presbyters,
and the greatest part, to say the least, of the city with them. Maximus, the
Prefect of Egypt, was also there: and their request was that either he would
send me a declaration of your wishes in writing, or would forbear to disturb
the Churches, while the people themselves were sending a deputation to you
respecting the matter. When they persisted in their demand, Syrianus at last
perceived the reasonableness of it, and consented, protesting by your safety
(Hilary was present and witnessed this) that he would put an end to the
disturbance, and refer the case to your Piety. The guards of the Duke, as well
as those of the Prefect of Egypt, know that this is true; the Prytanis[7] of
the city also remembers the words; so that you will perceive that neither I,
nor any one else, resisted your commands.
25. The irruption of Syrianus.
All demanded that the letters of your Piety should be exhibited. For
although the bare word of a King is of equal weight and authority with his
written command, especially if he who reports it, boldly affirms in writing
that it has been given him; yet when they neither openly declared that they
had received any command, nor, as they were requested to do, gave me assurance
of it in writing, but acted altogether as by their own authority; I confess, I
say it boldly, I was suspicious of them. For there were many Arians about
them, who were their companions at table, and their counsellors; and while
they attempted nothing openly, they were preparing to assail me by stratagem
and treachery. Nor did they act at all as under the authority of a royal
command, but, as their conduct betrayed, at the solicitation of enemies. This
made me demand more urgently that they should produce letters from you, seeing
that all their undertakings and designs were of a suspicious nature; and
because it was unseemly that after I had entered the Church, under the
authority of so many letters from you, should retire from it without such a
sanction. When however Syrianus gave his promise, all the people assembled
together in the Churches with feelings of joyfulness and security. But three
and twenty days aries[8], he burst into the Church with his soldiers, while we
were engaged in our usual services, as those who entered in there witnessed;
for it was a vigil, preparatory to a communion on the morrow. And such things
were done that night as the Arians desired and had beforehand denounced
against us. For the
248
General brought them with him; and they were the instigators and advisers of
the attack. This is no incredible story of mine, most religious Augustus; for
it was not done m secret, but was noised abroad everywhere. When therefore I
saw the assault begun, I first exhorted the people to retire, and then
withdrew myself after them, God hiding and guiding me, as those who were with
me at the time witness. Since then, I have remained by myself, though I have
all confidence to answer for my conduct, in the first place before God, and
also before your Piety, for that I did not flee and desert my people, but can
point to the attack of the General upon us, as a proof of persecution. His
proceedings have caused the greatest astonishment among all men; for either he
ought not to have made a promise, or not to have broken it after he had made
it.
26. How Athanasius acted when this took
place.
Now why did they form this plot against me, and treacherously lay an
ambush to take me, when it was in their power to enforce the order by a
written declaration? The command of an Emperor is wont to give great boldness
to those entrusted with it; but their desire to act secretly made the
suspicion stronger that they had received no command. And did I require
anything so very absurd? Let your Majesty's candour decide. Will not every one
say, that such a demand was reasonable for a Bishop to make? You know, for you
have read the Scriptures, how great an offence it is for a Bishop to desert
his Church, and to neglect the flocks of God. For the absence of the Shepherd
gives the wolves an opportunity to attack the sheep. And this was what the
Arians and all the other heretics desired, that during my absence they might
find an opportunity to entrap the people into impiety. If then I had fled,
what defence could I have made before the true Bishops? or rather before Him
Who has committed to me His flock? He it is Who judges the whole earth, the
true King of all, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God. Would not every one
have rightly charged me with neglect of my people? Would not your Piety have
blamed me, and have justly asked, 'After you had returned under the authority
of our letters, why did you withdraw without such authority, and desert your
people?' Would not the people themselves at the day of judgment have
reasonably imputed to me this neglect of them, and have said, 'He that had
the oversight of us fled, and we were neglected, there being no one to put us
in mind of our duty?' When they said this, what could I have answered? Such a
complaint was made by Ezekiel against the Pastors of old[9]; and the blessed
Apostle Paul, knowing this, has charged every one of us through his disciple,
saying, 'Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee, with the
laying on of the hands of the presbytery[10].' Fearing this, I wished not to
flee, but to receive your commands, if indeed such was the will of your Piety.
But I never obtained what I so reasonably requested, and now I am falsely
accused before you; for I resisted no commands of your Piety; nor will I now
attempt to return to Alexandria, until your Grace shall desire it. This I say
beforehand, lest the slanderers should again make this a pretence for accusing
me.
27. Athanasius leaves Alexandria to go to Constantius, but is stopped by the
news of the banishment of the Bishops.
Observing these things, I did not give sentence against myself, but
hastened to come to your Piety, with this my defence, knowing your goodness,
and remembering your faithful promises, and being confident that, as it is
written in the divine Proverbs, 'Just speeches are acceptable to a gracious
king[1].' But when I had already entered upon my journey, and had passed
through the desert[1a], a report suddenly reached me[2], which at first I
thought to be incredible, but which afterwards proved to be true. It was
rumoured everywhere that Liberius, Bishop of Rome, the great Hosius of Spain,
Paulinus of Gaul, Dionysius and Eusebius of Italy, Lucifer of Sardinia, and
certain other Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons, had been banished[3] because
they refused to subscribe to my condemnation. These had been banished: and
Vincentius of Capua, Fortunatian of Aquileia, Heremius of Thessalonica, and
all the Bishops of the West, were treated with no ordinary force, nay were
suffering extreme violence and grievous injuries, until they could be induced
to promise that they would not communicate with me. While I was astonished and
perplexed at these tidings, behold another report[8] overtook me, respecting
them of Egypt and Libya, that nearly ninety Bishops had been under
persecution, and that their Churches were given up to the professors of
Arianism; that sixteen had been banished, and of the rest, some had
249
fled, and others were constrained to dissemble. For the persecution was said
to be so violent in those parts, that at Alexandria, while the brethren were
praying during Easter and on the Lord's days in a desert place near the
cemetery, the General came upon them with a force of soldiery, more than three
thousand in number, with arms, drawn swords, and spears; whereupon outrages,
such as might be expected to follow so unprovoked an attack, were committed
against women and children, who were doing nothing more than praying to God.
It would perhaps be unseasonable to give an account of them now, lest the mere
mention of such enormities should move us all to tears. But such was their
cruelty, that virgins were stripped, and even the bodies of those who died
from the blows they received were not immediately given up for burial, but
were cast out to the dogs, until their relatives, with great risk to
themselves, came secretly and stole them away, and much effort was necessary,
that no one might know it.
28. The news of the intrusion of George.
The rest of their proceedings will perhaps be thought incredible, and will
fill all men with astonishment, by reason of their extreme atrocity. It is
necessary however to speak of them, in order that your Christian zeal and
piety may perceive that their slanders and calumnies against us are framed for
no other end, than that they may drive us out of the Churches, and introduce
their own impiety in our place. For when the lawful Bishops, men of advanced
age, had some of them been banished, and others forced to fly, heathens and
catechumens, those who hold the first places in the senate and men who are
notorious for their wealth, were straightway commissioned by the Arians to
preach the holy faith instead of Christians[9]. And enquiry was no longer
made, as the Apostle enjoined, 'if any be blameless[10]:' but according to the
practice of the impious Jeroboam, he who could give most money was named
Bishop; and it made no difference to them, even if the man happened to be a
heathen, so long as he furnished them with money. Those who had been Bishops
from the time of Alexander monks and ascetics, were banished: and men
practised only in calumny corrupted, as far as in them lay, the Apostolic
rule, and polluted the Churches. Truly their false accusations against us have
gained them much, that they should be able to commit iniquity, and to do such
things as these in your time; so that the words of Scripture may be applied to
them, 'Woe unto those through whom My name is blasphemed among the
Gentiles[1].'
29. Athanasius has heard of his own
proscription.
Such were the rumours that were noised abroad; and although everything was
thus turned upside down, I still did not relinquish my earnest desire of
coming to your Piety, but was again setting forward on my journey. And I did
so the more eagerly, being confident that these proceedings were contrary to
your wishes, and that if your Grace should be informed of what was done, you
would prevent it for the time to come. For I could not think that a righteous
king could wish Bishops to be banished, and virgins to be stripped, or the
Churches to be in any way disturbed. While I thus reasoned and hastened on my
journey, behold a third report reached me, to the effect that letters had been
written to the Princes of Auxumis, desiring that Frumentius[2], Bishop of
Auxumis, should be brought from thence, and that search should be made for me
even as far as the country of the Barbarians, that I might be handed over to
the Commentaries[3] (as they are called) of the Prefects, and that all the
laity and clergy should be compelled to communicate with the Arian heresy, and
that such as would not comply with this order should be put to death. To shew
that these were not merely idle rumours, but that they were confirmed by
facts, since your Grace has given me leave, I produce the letter. My enemies
were constantly reading it, and threatening each one with death.
30. A copy of the letter of Constantius
against Athanasius.
Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus to the Alexandrians.
Your city, preserving its national character, and remembering the virtue
of its founders, has habitually shewn itself obedient unto us, as it does at
this day; and we on our part should consider ourselves greatly wanting in our
duty, did not our good will eclipse even that of Alexander himself. For as it
belongs to a temperate mind, to behave itself orderly in all respects, so it
is the part of royalty, on account of virtue, permit me to say, such as yours,
to embrace you above all others; you,
250
who rose up as the first teachers of wisdom who were the first to
acknowledge[3a] God; who moreover have chosen for yourselves the most
consummate masters; and have cordially acquiesced in our opinion, justly
abominating that impostor and cheat, and dutifully uniting yourselves to those
venerable men who are beyond all admiration. And yet, who is ignorant, even
among those who live in the ends of the earth, what violent party spirit was
displayed in the late proceedings? with which we know not anything that has
ever happened, worthy to be compared. The majority of the citizens had their
eyes blinded, and a man who had come forth from the lowest dens of infamy
obtained authority among them, entrapping into falsehood, as under cover of
darkness, those who were desirous to know the truth;--one who never provided
for them any fruitful and edifying discourse, but corrupted their minds with
unprofitable subtleties. His flatterers shouted and applauded him; they were
astonished at his powers, and they still probably murmur secretly; while the
majority of the more simple sort took their cue from them. And thus all went
with the stream, as if a flood had broken in, while everything was entirely
neglected. One of the multitude was in power;--how can I describe him more
truly than by saying, that he was superior in nothing to the meanest of the
people, and that the only kindness which he shewed to the city was, that he
did not thrust her citizens down into the pit. This noble-minded and
illustrious person did not wait for judgment to proceed against him, but
sentenced himself to banishment, as he deserved. So that now it is for the
interest of the Barbarians to remove him out of the way, lest he lead some of
them into impiety, for he will make his complaint, like distressed characters
in a play, to those who first fall in with him. To him however we will now bid
a long farewell. For yourselves there are few with whom I can compare you: I
am bound rather to honour you separately above all others, for the great
virtue and wisdom which your actions, that are celebrated almost through the
whole world, proclaim you to possess. Go on in this sober course. I would
gladly have repeated to me a description of your conduct in such terms of
praise as it deserves; O you who have eclipsed your predecessors in the race
of glory, and will be a noble example both to those who are now alive, and to
all who shall come after, and alone have chosen for yourselves the most
perfect of beings as guide for your conduct, both in word and deed, and
hesitated not a moment, but manfully transferred your affections, and gave
yourselves up to the other side, leaving those grovelling[4] and earthly
teachers, and stretching forth towards heavenly things, under the guidance of
the most venerable Georges[5], than whom no man is more perfectly instructed
therein. Under him you will continue to have a good hope respecting the future
life, and will pass your time in this present world, in rest and quietness.
Would that all the citizens together would lay hold on his words, as a sacred
anchor, so that we might need neither knife nor cautery for those whose souls
are diseased! Such persons we most earnestly advise to renounce their zeal in
favour of Athanasius, and not even to remember the foolish things which he
spoke so plentifully among them. Otherwise they will bring themselves before
they are aware into extreme peril, from which we know not any one who will be
skilful enough to deliver such factious persons. For while that pestilent
fellow Athanasius is driven from place to place, being convicted of the basest
crimes, for which he would only suffer the punishment he deserves, if one were
to kill him ten times over, it would be inconsistent in us to suffer those
flatterers and juggling ministers of his to exult against us; men of such a
character as it is a shame even to speak of, respecting whom orders have long
ago been given to the magistrates, that they should be put to death. But even
now perhaps they shall not die, if they desist from their former offences, and
repent at last. For that most pestilent fellow Athanasius led them on, and
corrupted the whole state, and laid his impious and polluted hands upon the
most holy things.
31. Letter of Constantius to the Ethiopians
against Frumentius.
The following is the letter which was written to the Princes of Auxumis
respecting Frumentius, Bishop of that place.
Constantius Victor Maximus Augustus, to AEzanes and Sazanes.
It is altogether a matter of the greatest care and concern to us, to
extend the knowledge of the supreme God[6]; and I think that the whole race of
mankind claims from us equal regard in this respect, in order that they may
pass their lives in hope, being brought to a proper knowledge of God, and
having no
251
differences with each other in their enquiries concerning justice and truth.
Wherefore considering that you are deserving of the same provident care as the
Romans, and desiring to shew equal regard for your welfare, we command that
the same doctrine be professed in your Churches as in theirs. Send therefore
speedily into Egypt the Bishop Frumentius to the most venerable Bishop George,
and the rest who are there, who have especial authority to appoint to these
offices, and to decide questions concerning them. For of course you know and
remember (unless you alone pretend to be ignorant of that which all men are
well aware of) that this Frumentius was advanced to his present rank by
Athanasius, a man who is guilty of ten thousand crimes; for he has not been
able fairly to clear himself of any of the charges brought against him, but
was at once deprived of his see, and now wanders about destitute of any fixed
abode, and passes from one country to another, as if by this means he could
escape his own wickedness. Now if Frumentius shall readily obey our commands,
and shall submit to an enquiry into all the circumstances of his appointment,
he will shew plainly to all men, that he is in no respect opposed to the laws
of the Church and the established[7] faith. And being brought to trial, when
he shall have given proof of his general good conduct, and submitted an
account of his life to those who are to judge of these things, he shall
receive his appointment from them, if it shall indeed appear that he has any
right to be a Bishop. But if he shall delay and avoid the trial, it will
surely be very evident, that he has been induced by the persuasions of the
wicked Athanasius, thus to indulge impiety against God, choosing to follow the
course of him whose wickedness has been made manifest. And our fear is lest he
should pass over into Auxumis and corrupt your people, by setting before them
accursed and impious statements, and not only unsettle and disturb the
Churches, and blaspheme the supreme God, but also thereby cause utter
overthrow and destruction to the several nations whom he visits. But I am sure
that Frumentius will return home, perfectly acquainted with all matters that
concern the Church, having derived much instruction, which will be of great
and general utility, from the conversation of the most venerable George, and
such other of the Bishops, as are excellently qualified to communicate such
knowledge. May God continually preserve you, most honoured brethren.
32. He defends his Flight.
Heating, nay almost seeing, these things, through the mournful
representations of the messengers, I confess I turned back again into the
desert, justly concluding, as your Piety will perceive, that if I was sought
after, that I might be sent as soon as I was discovered to the Prefects[8], I
should be prevented from ever coming to your Grace; and that if those who
would not subscribe against me, suffered so severely as they did, and the
laity who refused to communicate with the Arians were ordered for death, there
was no doubt at all but that ten thousand new modes of destruction would be
devised by the calumniators against me; and that after my death, they would
employ against whomsoever they wished to injure, whatever means they chose,
venting their lies against us the more boldly, for that then there would no
longer be any one left who could expose them. I fled, not because I feared
your Piety (for I know your long-suffering and goodness), but because from
what had taken place, I perceived the spirit of my enemies, and considered
that they would make use of all possible means to accomplish my destruction,
from fear that they would be brought to answer for what they had done contrary
to the intentions of your Excellency. For observe, your Grace commanded that
the Bishops should be expelled only out of the cities and the province. But
these worthy persons presumed to exceed your commands, and banished aged men
and Bishops venerable for their years into desert and unfrequented and
frightful places, beyond the boundaries of three provinces[9]. Some of them
were sent off from Libya to the great Oasis; others from the Thebais to
Ammoniaca in Libya[10]. Neither was it from fear of death that I fled; let
none of them condemn me as guilty of cowardice; but because it is the
injunction of our Saviour[1] that we should flee when we are persecuted, and
hide ourselves when we are sought after, and not expose ourselves to certain
dangers, nor by appearing before our persecutors inflame still more their rage
against us. For to give one's self up to one's enemies to be murdered, is the
same thing as to murder one's self; but to flee, as our Saviour has enjoined,
is to know our time, and to manifest a real concern for our persecutors, lest
if they proceed to the shedding of blood, they become guilty of the
transgression of the law, 'Thou
252
shalt not kill[2].' And yet these men by their calumnies against me, earnestly
wish that I should suffer death. What they have again lately done proves that
this is their desire and murderous intention. You will be astonished, I am
sure, Augustus, most beloved of God, when you hear it; it is indeed an outrage
amazement.What it is, I pray worthy of you briefly to hear.
33. Conduct of the Arians towards the
consecrated Virgins.
The Son of God, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, having become man for
our sakes, and having destroyed death, and delivered our race from the bondage
of corruption[3], in addition to all His other benefits bestowed this also
upon us, that we should possess upon earth, in the state of virginity[3a], a
picture of the holiness of Angels. Accordingly such as have attained this
virtue, the Catholic Church has been accustomed to call the brides of Christ.
And the heathen who see them express their admiration of them as the temples
of the Word. For indeed this holy and heavenly profession is nowhere[3b]
established, but only among us Christians, and it is a very strong argument
that with us is to be found the genuine and true religion. Your most religious
father Constantine Augustus, of blessed memory, honoured the Virgins above all
the rest, and your Piety in several letters has given them the titles of the
honourable and holy women. But now these worthy Arians who have slandered me,
and by whom conspiracies have been formed against most of the Bishops, having
obtained the consent and cooperation of the magistrates, first stripped them,
and then caused them to be suspended upon what are called the Hermetaries[4],
and scourged them on the ribs so severely three several times, that not even
real malefactors have ever suffered the like. Pilate, to gratify the Jews of
old, pierced one of our Saviour's sides with a spear. These men have exceeded
the madness of Pilate, for they have scourged not one but both His sides; for
the limbs of the Virgins are in an especial manner the Saviour's own. All men
shudder at hearing the bare recital of deeds like these. These men alone not
only did not fear to strip and to scourge those undefiled limbs, which the
Virgins had dedicated solely to our Saviour Christ; but, what is worse than
all, when they were reproached by every one for such extreme cruelty, instead
of manifesting any shame, they pretended that it was commanded by your Piety.
So utterly presumptuous are they and full of wicked thoughts and purposes.
Such a deed as this was never heard of in past persecutions[5]: or supposing
that it ever occurred before, yet surely it was not befitting either that
Virginity should suffer such outrage and dishonour, in the time of your
Majesty, a Christian, or that these men should impute to your Piety their own
cruelty. Such wickedness belongs only to heretics, to blaspheme the Son of
God, and to do violence to His holy Virgins.
34. He expostulates with Constantius.
Now when such enormities as these were again perpetrated by the Arians, I
surely was not wrong in complying with the direction of Holy Scripture, which
says, 'Hide thyself for a little moment, until the wrath of the Lord be
overpast[6].' This was another reason for my withdrawing myself, Augustus,
most beloved of God; and I refused not, either to depart into the desert, or,
if need were, to be let down from a wall in a basket[7]. I endured everything,
I even dwelt among wild beasts, that your favour might return to me, waiting
for an opportunity to offer to you this my defence, confident as I am that
they will be condemned, and your goodness manifested unto me. O, Augustus,
blessed and most beloved of God, what would you have had me to do? to come to
you while my calumniators were inflamed with rage against me, and were seeking
to kill me; or, as it is written, to hide myself a little, that in the mean
time they might be condemned as heretics, and your goodness might be
manifested unto me? or would you have had me, Sire, to appear before your
magistrates, in order that though you had written merely in the way of
threatening, they not understanding your intention, but being exasperated
against me by the Arians, might kill me on the authority of your letters, and
on that ground ascribe the murder to you? It would neither have been becoming
in me to surrender, and give myself up that my blood might be shed, nor in
you, as a Christian King, to have the murder of Christians, and those too
Bishops, imputed unto you.
35. It was therefore better for me to hide myself, and to wait for this
opportunity. Yes, I am sure that from your knowledge of the sacred Scriptures
you will assent and approve of my conduct in this respect. For you will
perceive that, now those who exasperated you against us have been silenced,
your righteous clemency is apparent, and it is proved to all
men that you never persecuted the Christians at all, but that it was they who
made the Churches desolate, that they might sow the seeds of their own impiety
everywhere; on account of which I also, had I not fled, should long ago have
suffered from their treachery. For it is very evident that they who scrupled
not to utter such calumnies against me, before the great Augustus, and who so
violently assailed Bishops and Virgins, sought also to compass my death. But
thanks be to the Lord who has given you the kingdom. All men are confirmed in
their opinion of your goodness, and of their wickedness, from which I fled at
the first, that I might now make this appeal unto you, and that you might find
some one towards whom you may shew kindness. I beseech you, therefore,
forasmuch as it written, 'A soft answer turneth away wrath,' and 'righteous
thoughts are acceptable unto the King[8] ;' receive this my defence, and
restore all the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy to their countries and
their Churches; so that the wickedness of my accusers may be made manifest,
and that you, both now and in the day of judgment, may have boldness to say to
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the King of all, '" None of Thine have I
lost[9]," but these are they who designed the ruin of all, while I was grieved
for those who perished, and for the Virgins who were scourged, and for all
other things that were committed against the Christians; and I brought back
them that were banished, and restored them to their own Churches.'