Prof. Alfonso Carrasco Rouco, Madrid
The encyclical letter Deus est
amor dedicates a considerable number of pages[1]
to addressing the question of the relationship between justice and charity. To
do this it delves into the relationship between political activity, Christian
faith, and Church.
First of all, it considers the objection posed by nineteenth century
Marxism, which asserts that the Church hides its lack of real commitment to the
world and to mankind that suffers injustice behind the premise of charity and
charitable works (no. 26). Before the echoes, which are still present, of the
accusation that Christianity is the “opium of the people”, that it disconnects
itself from this world escaping into a dream of a heavenly afterlife, Benedict
XVI affirms quite clearly that the Church is seriously concerned with mankind
and the world (27), because it greatly interests her to bring about an openness
of mind and will to the demands of the common good” (28a5), such
that it cannot “remain on the sidelines in the fight for justice” (28a5).
At the same time that shouldn’t be understood to mean that the Church has power
over the State (28a3), or that she should take upon herself the
political battle” (28a5); since the establishment of just structures
is not the immediate task of the Church (29a).
Thus, the affirmation that the Church has an immediate competence or
power in politics is rejected against all theocratic temptation. Although no
one in the Church defends the potestas
inmediata theory, on the contrary
the autonomy of temporal realities is clearly acknowledged[2], the
encyclical’s teaching is very up-to-date, since the risk to confuse the
political and religious areas is still present in our world, from other
religious perspectives. At the same time this teaching rejects what could be a
possible reaction to the Marxist criticism and to social injustices, that is,
to consider it the Church’s immediate task and duty to establish a just society,
which is the very task of politics.
In order to respond to this challenge to
Christianity, which could be seen as a dilemma between distancing itself from
the world or not respecting its true autonomy, Benedict XVI shows in a positive
light what the role of politics is and how it can relate to faith and the
Church. Therefore, he not only confirms Christians in their faith and orients
their activity in the midst of the world, but he also offers a contribution to
the social doctrine on the nature of political activity –and consequently, the
State-, which is of extraordinary relevance in the new situations created in
our societies which are tempted by the relativism created after the
disappearance of the Marxist dream.
The first affirmation is the clear acknowledgement
of the autonomy of politics, which has the task to assure the just order of
society and the State (28a1).
Justice is presented as the objective and the “intrinsic criterion” (28a2)
of all politics, its rule of action. This is then completed by the correlative
affirmation on the Church’s independence in its own religious domain since it
is not the State’s prerogative to impose religion. The Church and State are
“two spheres which are distinct, yet always interrelated (28a1).
Well then, if the origin and goal of politics are found in justice, by
its very nature it has to do with ethics (28a2). Therefore, the
responsible acts of each person are central and his or her openness to the
question “what is justice”, what does it mean concretely here and now, cannot
be left out of the realm of politics without damaging it at its core.
Basically, if you consider justice only from a theoretical perspective,
outside the realm of concrete political action, which would basically reduce it
to a mere mechanism for defining the rules of public life (28a2)
and, in the end, a way of regulating power struggles, it would overshadow the
responsibility of the personal conscience and would profoundly diminish the
very dignity of political activity. This is a temptation that also exists in
today’s Western democracies, of which many want to see the foundation in the
negation (relativist) of the possibility to reasonably reach moral truths
referring to human nature[3].
Brought to its limits, to separation politics from justice, would lead to the
first’s corruption: the State would become just a bunch of thieves (28a1, citing St.
Augustine).
In reality, the political world belongs to the sphere of the autonomous
use of reason (29a), of practical reason, and is called to discern the needs of
a just social structure in its various situations and problems. This is a
fundamental task for men and women in the world, which “every generation must
take up anew” (28a4) as a moral challenge and which never consists
in simply abiding by previously established rules. However, the assumption of
this responsibility cannot be taken for granted. On the contrary, the exercise
of practical reason always runs the risk of being blinded by “the dazzling
effect of power and special interests” (28a2), such that it isn’t
able to perceive or it doesn’t want to respect the demands of justice in
concrete situations.
In the encyclical this is the point where “politics and faith meet” (28a3),
for faith, which opens men and women to a relationship with God that goes
beyond the sphere of reason, is “also a purifying force for reason itself”,
since, from God's standpoint, faith liberates reason from its blind spots and
therefore helps it to be ever more fully itself” (28a3). In this
characteristic interrelationship between faith and reason[4]
the Gospel truth is manifested and in this meeting man discovers himself[5],
as he can observe himself, in this case, by way of the exercising of practical
reason.
Therefore, the Church, in proposing it social teaching (27, 28a3),
does not wish to impose its own convictions, but rather facilitate a dialogue
with all those who are seriously concerned for humanity and for the world in
which we live (27), and which argues on the basis of reason, and its perception
of what is in accord with the nature of every human being[6]
(28a4). The meeting place of faith and politics is in the conscience
of the individual. The Church wishes to help form consciences, fostering a
“greater insight into the authentic requirements of justice as well as greater
readiness to act accordingly” (28a4).
The encyclical goes on to teach that the Church does not pretend to have
a direct responsibility in the political sphere, but rather an indirect one
(29) by way of personal conscience and responsibility[7];
that its participation in the fight for justice must be “through rational
argument” and by reawakening the spiritual energy of men and women (29a).
The lay faithful, in particular, are called to “take part in public life
in a personal capacity” (29b), configuring social life correctly, respecting
its legitimate autonomy and cooperating with other citizens, since they cannot
exempt themselves from their responsibilities in favor of the common good.
Of course, the acknowledgement of the just autonomy of the political
sphere does not mean that the State occupies and dominates all areas of
society. Justice also demands which respecting the principle of subsidiarity,
acknowledges and supports initiatives rising from the various social forces
(28b). The Church is one of those forces, with its works of charity and
evangelization.
The expression of Christian love, of charity, is not limited to its
contribution to the political exercising of practical reason, but rather
approaches people in many other ways. This charity will always be necessary for
society, since “whoever wants to eliminate love is preparing to eliminate man
as such” (28b). On the contrary, the dynamic of love enkindled by the Spirit of
Christ never demeans man in any of his expressions, but rather it heals,
sustains and strengthens “all that is specifically human” (28b).
San
Dámaso Faculty of Theology - Madrid
[1] Nn. 26-29
[2] GS 36
[3] Cf. Congregación para la Doctrina de la Fe, Nota doctrinal sobre algunas cuestiones relativas al compromiso y la conducta de los católicos en la vida pública, 24 noviembre 2003
[4] Interrelación definida por la encíclica Fides et ratio como “circularidad” (nº 73). El cardenal J. Ratzinger la había descrito precisamente a propósito del servicio mutuo de purificación que fe y razón están llamadas a prestarse (en “Was die Welt zusammenhält. Vorpolitische moralische Grundlagen eines freiheitlichen Staates”, in: Dialektik der Säkularisierung, [J. Habermas-J. Ratzinger], Freiburg 2005, 39-60)
[5] Cf. GS 22; igualmente Juan Pablo II (por ej., Redemptor hominis 10)
[6] Echoes the traditional teaching on
the Church “expert on humanity”; cf., for ex., Paul VI, Populorum
progressio, 13; John Paul II, Sollicitudo rei socialis, 42. The social
doctrine was presented in the same context: “It was the ´almost servile yoke´,
at the beginning of the industrial society, that obligated my predecessor to
take the floor in defense of man” (Id., Centesimus annus, 61).
[7] Note the
relation with the traditional doctrine on the right to intervene on the part of
the Church in the political arena sub
ratione peccati.