Fathers' Historical writings 538

214 (@1S 2,30@).

1 From Feb. 336 to June 338. The “Porta Nigra” and the ruins of the Baths still shew relics of the splendour of the imperial city. The exile was generously treated. Maximinus, the bishop of Treves, was orthodox and friendly. (Ath). ad Episc. Aegypt. §8). On the conclusion of the term of his relegation to Treves Constantine II. took him in the imperial suite to Viminacium, a town on the Danube, not far from the modern Passarovitz. Here the three emperors met. Athanasius continued his journey to Alexandria via Constantinople and the Cappadocian Caesarea. (Ath. Hist. Ar. §8 and Apol. ad Const. §5).

2 In Nov. 338. His clergy thought it the happiest day of their lives. Ath). Ap. Cont. Ar.§7.

3 Vide Pedigree. Philostorgius (ii. 16) said the will was given to Eusebius of Nicomedia. Valesius (on Soc. 1,25) thinks that if the story had been true Athanasius would have recorded it, with the name of the Presbyter.

4 a.d. 327–328).

5 Of Nicomedia, now tranferred to the see of Constantinople.

6 Vide note on p. 61.

539 7 The ground of objection to the return was (i) that Athanasius had been condemned by a Council—that of Tyre, and (ii) that he was restored by the authority of the state alone. The first intention was to get the Arian Pistus advanced to the patriarchate.

8 Easter, a.d. 340. The condemnation was confirmed at the Council of Antioch, a.d. 341.

9 They were met by a deputation of Athanasians, bringing the encyclical of the Egyptian Bishops in favour of the accused). Apol. Cont. Ar. §3.

10 On the bearing of these communications with Rome on the question of Papal jurisdiction, vide Salmon, Infallibility of the Church, p. 405. Cf. Wladimir Guettee, Histoire de l’Eglise, III. p. 112.

11 The innocence of Athanasius was vindicated at the Council held at Rome in Nov). a.d. 341.

12 For the violent resentment of the Alexandrian Church at the obtrusion of Gregorius, an Ultra-Arian, and apparently an illustration of the old proverb of the three bad Kappas, “Kappadoke", Krhte", Kilike", tria kappa kakista,” for he was a Cappadocian—vide Ath). Encyc. 3, 4, Hist. Ar. 10. The sequence of events is not without difficulty, and our author gives here little help. Athanasius was in Alexandria in the spring of 340, when Gregorius made his entry, and started for Rome at or about Easter. Constantine II. was defeated and slain by the troops of his brother Constans, in the neighbourhood of Aquileia, and his corpse found in the river Alsa, in April, 340. Athanasius remained at Rome till the summer of 343, when he was summoned to Milan by Constans ( Const. 3, 4).

Results of his visit to Rome were the adherence of Latin Christianity to the orthodox opinion (Cf. Milman, Hist. of Lat. Christianity, vol. 1,p. 78), and the introduction of Monachism into the West. Vide Robertson’s Ch. Hist. ii. 6.

13 Now Sophia, in Bulgaria. The centre of Moesia was called Dacia Cis-Danubiana, when the tract conquered by Trajan was abandoned).

14 A native of Thessalonica; he had been secretary to his predecessor Alexander.

15 Ath). de fug. §3. Cf). Hist. Ar. ad Mon. 7.

16 Flavius Philippus, praetorian praefect of the East, is described by Socrates (II. 16), as deutepo" meta basilea. Paulus was removed from Constantinople in 342, and not slain till 350. Philippus died in disappointment and misery). Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 356.

540 17 On the vicissitudes of the see of Constantinople, after the death of Alexander, in a.d. 336, vide Soc. 2,6 and Soz. 3,3. Paulus was murdered in 350 or 351, and the “shortly after” of the text means nine years, Macedonius being replaced by Eudoxius of Antioch, in 360. On how far the heresy of the “Pneumatomachi,” called Macedonianism, was really due to the teaching of Macedonius, vide Robertson’s Church Hist. II. 4,for reff.

18 The Council met in 343, according to Hefele; 344, according to Mansi, on the authority of the Festal Letters of Athanasius. Summoned by both Emperors, it was presided over by Hosius. The accounts of the numbers present vary. Some authorities adhere to the traditional date, 347. Soc. 2,20; Soz. 3,11.

19 Vide I. xxvii.

20 Perhaps present at the Synod of Ancyra (Angora), in a.d. 315. Died, a.d. 374. Marcellus played the man at Nicaea, and was accused by the Arians of Sabellianism, and deposed. He was distrusted as a trimmer, but could boast “se communione Julii et Athanasii, Romanae et Alexandrinae urbis pontifficum, esse munitum” (Fer. de vir. ill. c. 86). Cardinal Newman thinks Athanasius attacked him in the IVth Oration against the Arians. Vide Dict. Christ. Biog. 3,808).

21 Probably Lucius, Bishop of Hadrianople, who had been deposed by the Arians, and appealed to Julius, who wished to right him. Still kept out by the Arians, he appealed to the Council of Sardica, and, in accordance with its decree, Constantius ordered his restoration (Soc. 2,26). Cf. Chap. XII.

22 Bishop of Trajanopolis (Ath). Hist. Ar. 19)).

23 The strange story of Ischyras is gathered from notices in the Apol. c. Arian. Without ordination, he started a small conventicle of some half-dozen people, and the Alexandrian Synod of 324 condemned his pretensions. The incident of the text may be assigned to 329. He afterwards faced both ways, to Athanasius and the Eusebians, and was recognised by them as a bishop). Dict. Christ. biog. iii. 302).

24 Georgius succeeded the Arian Theodotus, of whom mention has already been made (p. 42), in the see of the Syrian Laodicea (Latakia). Athanasius (de fug. §26), speaks of his “dissolute life, condemned even by his own friends.”

25 Known as o monofqalmo", “The one-eyed.” He succeeded the Historian Eusebius in the see of Caesarea in 340, and the Nicomedian Eusebius as a leader of the Arian Court party in 342.

26 Now Belgrade.

27 Now Esseg on the Drave. Here Constantius defeated Magnentius, a.d. 351.

541 28 Bishop of Petra in Palestine. (Tomus ad Antioch. 10). There is some confusion in the names of the sees, and a doubt whether there were really two Petras. Cf. Reland, Palestine, p. 298, Le Quien, East. Christ. 3,665, 666.

29 Bishop of Petra in Arabia, (Ath). Hist. Ar. 18, Apol. cont. Ar. 48).

30 Cf. Ac 20,29.

31 Thrust on the see of Gaza by the Arians on the deposition of Asclepas (Soz. 3,8, 12).

32 (
Ga 1,8).

33 Here, according to the Version of Athanasius (Ap. cont. Ar. 49), the Synodical Epistle ends. An argument against the genuineness of the addition is the introduction of a new formula of faith, while from the letter of Athanasius “ex synodo Alexandrinâ ad legatos apostolicae sedis,”" it is plain that nothing was added to the Nicene Creed. (Labbe 3,84).

34 This passage is very corrupt: the translation follows the Greek of Valesius, gennhto" estin ama kai genhto". It is not certain that the distinction between agennho" “unbegotten,” and agenhto", “uncreate,” was in use quite so early as 344. If the passage is spurious and of later date, the distinction might be more naturally found.

35 upostasei".

36 ousia.

37 (Jn 14,10 Jn 14,

38 (Jn 10,30 Jn 10,

39 Wisdom 7,22.

542 40 (Jn 1,3 Jn 1,

41 utostasi".

42 This translation follows the reading of the Allatian Codex, adopted by Valesius, th kainh ktisei. If we read koinh for kainh, we must render “excels or differs in relation to the common creation” which He shares with man.

43 utostasi".

44 (Jn 10,30).

45 utostasi".

46 (Jn 17,21 Jn 17,

47 oikonomia. In classical Greek oikonomia is simply the management (a) of a household, (b) of the state. In the N.T. we have it in Lc 16,for “stewardship,” and in five other places; (i) 1 Cor. 9,17, A.V. “dispensation,” R.V. “stewardship;” (ii)Ep 1,10 A.V. and R.V. “dispensation;” (iii) Ep 3,2, A.V. and R.V. “dispensation;” (iv) Col. i. 25, A.V. and R.V. “dispensation;” (v) Tim. 1,4, where A.V. adopts the inferior reading oikodomhn, and R.V. renders the oikonomian of a

AFGKLP by “dispensation.” Suicer gives as the meanings of the word (i) ministerium evangelii, (ii) providentia et numen quo Dei sapientia omnia moderatur, (iii) ipsa Christi naturae humanae assumptio, (iv) totius redemptionis mysterium et passionis Christi Sacramentum. Theodoret himself (Ed. Migne 4,93) says thn enanqrwphsin de tou Qeou Logou kaloumen oikonomian, and quaintly distinguishes (Cant. Ct p. 83) h smurna kai o libano" toutestin h qeologia te kai oikonomia. On a phrase of St. Ignatius (Ep xviii)., “o cristo" ekuoforhqh upo Maria" katAE oikonomian,” Bp. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers, II. p. 75 note) writes: “The word oikonomia came to be applied more especially to the Incarnation because this was par excellence the system or plan which God had ordained for the government of His household and the dispensation of His stores. Hence in the province of theology, oikonomia was distinguished by the Fathers from qeologia proper, the former being the teaching which was concerned with the Incarnation and its consequences, and the latter the teaching which related to the Eternal and Divine nature of Christ. The first step towards this special appropriation of oikonomia to the Incarnation is found in St. Paul; e.g. Ephes. 1,10, ei" oikonomian tou plhrwmato" twn kairwn.… In this passage of Ignatius it is moreover connected with the ‘reserve0’ of God (xix). en hsucia qeou epracqh). Thus ‘economy0’ has already reached its first stage on the way to the sense of ‘dissimulation,0’ which was afterwards connected wit it, and which led to disastrous consequences in the theology and practice of a later age.” Cf. Newman’s Arians, chap. i. sec. 3).

48 Onagro" = wild ass

49 fasi de kai nhessin aliplaneessi cereiou" ta" ufalou" petra" twn fanerwn spiladwn.—Anth. Pal. 11,390.

543 50 Leontius, Bishop of Antioch from a.d. 348 to 357, was one of the School of Lucianus. (Philost. 3,15), cf. pp. 38 and 41, notes. Athanasius says hard things of him (de fug. §26), but Dr. Salmon (Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v). is of opinion that “we may charitably think that the gentleness and love of peace which all attest were not mere hypocrisy, and may impute his toleration of heretics to no worse cause than insufficient appreciation of the importance of the issues involved.” Vide infra. chap. 19,

51 Athanasius had gone from Sardica to Naissus (in upper Dacia), and thence to Aquileia, where he was received by Constans). Ap. ad Const. §4, §3.

52 Athanasius went from Aquileia to Rome, where he saw Julius again, thence to Treves to the Court of Constans, and back to the East to Antioch, where the conversation about the “one church” took place. Soc. 2,23; Soz. 3,20.

53 i.e. the friends of Eustathius.

54 The more significant from the fact that Constantius affected a more than human impassibility. Cf. the graphic account of his entry into Rome “velut collo munito rectam aciem luminum tendens, nec dextra vulture nec laeva flectebat, tanquam figmentum hominis: non cum rota concuteret nutans nec spuens aut os aut nasum tergens vel fricans manumve agitans visus est unquam.” Amm. Marc. 16,10.

55 About Feb). a.d. 345.

56 Oct). a.d. 346. Fest. Ind. The return is described by Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat. 21). Authorities, however, differ as to which return he paints.

57 i.e. was murdered by the troops of the usurper Magnentius at Illiberis (re-named Helena by Constantine, and now Elne, in Roussillon), a.d. 350.

58 Probably Syrianus, who is described by Athanasius himself as sent to get him removed from Alexandria, but as denying that he had the written authority of Constantius. This was in Jan). a.d. 356.

59 sunaxi". Cf. p. 52 note.

60 Syrianus. Ath). Ap. ad Const. §25).

544 61 Ath). Ap. de fug. §24.

62 Georgius, a fraudulent contractor of Constantinople (Ath). Hist. Ar. 75), made Arian Bishop of ALexandria on the expulsion of Athanasius, in a.d. 356, was born in a fuller’s shop at Epiphania in Cilicia. (Amm. Marc. 22,11, 3). He was known as “the Cappadocian,” and further illustrates the old saying of “Kappadoke" Krhte" Kilike", tria kappa kakiosta,” and the kindred epigram

Kappadokhn potAE ecidna kakh daken: alla kai auth

kaiqane geusamenh aimato" iobalou.

The crimes of the brutal “Antipope” (Prof. Bright in Dict. Christ. Biog.) are many, but he was a book-collector. (Jul. Ep. 9,36, cf. Gibbon 1. Chap. 23). Gibbon says “the infamous George of Cappadocia has been transformed into the renowned St. George of England;” an identity sufficiently disproved.

63 koimhthrion, or sleeping-place. Cf. Chrysost. ed. Migne. 2,394.

64 The earliest account of the system of Manes or Mani is to be found in Euseb. H.E. 7,31. From the end of the *century it made rapid progress).

65 One Ammonius had been consecrated by Alexander, and was bishop ot Pacnemunis (Ath). ad Drac. 210, and Hist. Ar. §72). Another was apparently consecrated by Athanasius (Hist. Ar. §72). An Ammonius was banished to the Upper Oasis (id).. Caius was the orthodox bishop of Thmuis. Philo was banished to Babylon (Hist. Ar. §72, cf. Jer. Vita Hilarionis 30). Muïus, Psinosiris, Nilammon, Plenius, Marcus the sees of these two Marci were Zygra and Philae), and Athenodorus, were relegated to the parts about the Libyan Ammon, nine days’ journey from Alexandria, only that they might perish on the road. One did die. (Hist Ar. §72). Adelphius was bishop of Onuphis in the Delta, and was sent to the Thebaid (Tom. ad Ant. 615). Dracontius, to whom Athanasius addressed a letter, went to the deserts about Clysma (25 m. s.w. of Suez), and Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene (Assouan (Hist. Ar. §72), whither Trajan had banished Juvenal.

66 Some authorities read more mildly, “drove into exile.”

67 Ap. de fug. §7. Cf). Hist. Ar. §72.

68 “Haec Athanasii Epistola hodie quod sciam non extat.” Valesius.

545 69 Athanasius was condemned at Arles (353) as well as at Milan in 355. At the latter place Constantius affected more than his father’s infallibility, and exclaimed, “What I will, be that a Canon.” Ath). Hist. Ar. §33.

70 Apol. de fug. §4 and §5.

71 For the persecution and vacillation of Liberius, “one of the few Popes that can be charged with heresy” (Principal Barmby in Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v)., see also Ath). Hist. Ar. §35 et seqq.

72 Treves. Dionysius was the successor of St. Maximinus and a firm champion of orthodoxy. Cf. Sulp. Sev. II. 52.

73 Milan. Paulinus was banished to Cappadocia.

74 Calaris (Cagliari). Luciferus, a vehement defender of Athanasius, was banished to Eleutheropolis in Palestine. Mr. Ll. Davies (Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v)., thinks the traditional story of the imprisonment of Luciferus at Milan, to prevent his outspoken advocacy of Athanasius, shews internal evidence of probability.

75 Eusebius, bishop of Vercellae (Vercelli), was a staunch Athanasian. He was banished to Scythopolis, where the bishop Patrophilus (cf. Book I. chapter VI. and XX)., a leading Arian, was, he says, his “jailer.” (Vide his letters).

76 The epithet eughrotato" felicitously describes the honoured old age of the bishop of Cordova—he was now a hundred years old (Hist. Ar. §45)—before his pitiable lapse. He was sent to Sirmium (Mitrovitz)).

77 Cf. Book I. Chap. 20.

78 Euphration is mentioned also in Hist. Ar. §5. Balaneae is now Banias on the coast of Syria.

79 Now Boldo, a little to the N. of Bahias.

546 80 In Phoenicia, now Tortosa.

81 “A good and excellent man,” Ath). Hist. Ar. §5.

82 Vide p. 68, note.

83 On the question of the orthodoxy of Marcellus of Ancyra (Angora), vide the conflicting opinions of Bp Lightfoot (Dict. Christ. Biog. 2,342), and Mr. Ffoulkes (id. 3,810). Ath. (Apol. contra Ar. §47) says of the Council of Sardica. “The book of our brother Marcellus was also read, by which the frauds of the Eusebians were plainly discovered …his faith was found to be correct,” cf. p. 67, note.

84 The successor of Eustathius at Beroea, cf. p. 41, note 65. Socrates says the statement that Cyrus accused Eustathius of Sabellianism is an Arian calumny (Soc. 1,24; 2,9).

85 Asclepas or Aesculapius was at Tyre (p. 62), and was deposed on the charge of overturning an altar, w" qusiasthrion anatreya" (Soz. 3,8).

86 Vide p. 68.

87 Bishop of Aenos in Thrace, now Enos. (Hist. Ar. §19). Here was shown the tomb of Polydorus. Plin. 4, 11, 18. Virgil (Aen. 3,18) makes Aeneas call it Aeneadae, but see Conington’s note.

88 Philagrius was praefect of Egypt a.d. 335–340. Ath. (Ep. Encyc.)calls him “a persecutor of the Church and her virgins, an apostate of bad character.”

89 The interview took place at Milan, after the Eunuch Eusebius, Chamberlain of Constantius, had in vain tried to win over the bishop at Rome, and had exasperated him by making an improper offering at the shrine of St. Peter. (Hist. Ar. §86)).

90 I adopt the suggestion of Valesius, that alogw" refers not to the condemnation, but to the foolish remark of the imperial chamberlain. Another expedient for clearing Eusebius of the absurdity or saying that Athanasius was condemned at Nicaea, where he triumphed, has been to read Tyre for Nicaea.

547 91 Bishop of Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia); “a bold young fellow, ready for any mischief.” A protégé of the Cappadocian Georgius, he was an Arian of the worst type, and had effected the substitution of Felix for Liberius in the Roman see by irregular and scandalous means. (Ath). Hist. Ar. §75).

92 A passage of Ammianus Marcellinus (xxi. 16) on the “cursus publicus” has been made famous by Gibbon. “The Christian religion, which in itself is plain and simple, Constantius confounded by the dotage of superstition. Instead of reconciling the parties by the weight of his authority, he cherished and propagated, by verbal disputes, the differences which his vain curiosity had excited. The highways were covered with troops of bishops gallop. ing from every side to the assemblies which they call synods; and while they laboured to reduce the whole sect to their own particular opinions, the public establishment of the posts was almost ruined by their hasty and repeated journeys.” Gibbon, chap. xx.

93 Constantine II. had befriended Athanasius, but the patriarch was neither directly nor indirectly responsible for his attack on Constans and his death).

94 Eusebia. Constantius II. was thrice married; (i) a.d. 336 (Eus). Vit. Const. 4,49), to his cousin Constantia, sister of Julian (vid. Pedigree in proleg).; (ii) a.d. 352, to Aurelia Eusebia, an Arian “of exceptional beauty of body and mind” (Amm. Marc. xxi. 6), and (iii) a.d. 360 or 361, to Faustina.

95 Liberius does not reckon the Arian eunuch as a Christian.

96 There were originally four factions in the Circus; blue, green, white, and red. Domitian added two more, golden and purple. But the blue and the green absorbed the rest, and divided the multitude at the games. Cf. Juv. XI. 197.

“Totam hodie Romam circus capit, et fragor aurem Percutit, eventum viridis quo colligo panni.”

Cf. Amm. Marc. xiv. 6, and Plin. Ep. 9,6.

97 a.d. 359).

98 The eastern bishops were summoned to Seleucia, in Cilicia; the western to Ariminum, (Rimini). “A previous Conference was held at Sirmium, in order to determine on the creed to be presented to the bipartite Council. …The Eusebians struggled for the adoption of the Acacian Homoeon, which the Emperor had already both received and abandoned, and they actually effected the adoption of the ‘like in all things according to the Scriptures,0’ a phrase in which the semi-Arians, indeed, included their ‘like in substance0’ or Homoeiision, but which did not necessarily refer to substance or nature at all. Under these circumstances the two Councils met in the autumn of a.d. 359, under the nominal superintendence of the semi-Arians; but, on the Eusebian side, the sharp-witted Acacius undertaking to deal with the disputatious Greeks, the overbearing and cruel Valens with the plainer Latins.” (Newman, Arians, iv. §4). At Seleucia there were 150 bishops; at Ariminum 400.

99 ousia.

100 omoousion.

548 101 This letter exists in Ath. de Syn. Arim. et Seleu., Soc. 2,39, Soz. 4,10, and the Latin of Hilarius (Fr. viii)., which frequently differs considerably from the Greek).

102 Germanus (Ath. and Soz)., Germinius (according to Hilarius), bishop of Cyzicus, was translated to Sirmium, a.d. 356. The creed composed by Marcus of Arethusa with the aid of Germinius, Valens and others, is known as “the dated creed,” from the minuteness, satirized by Athanasius, with which it specifies the day (May 22, a.d. XI. Kal. Jun)., in the consulate of Eusebius and Hypatius (Ath. de Syn. §8).

103 Auxentius, the elder, bishop of Milan, succeeded Dionysius in 355, and occupied the see till his death in 374, when Ambrose was chosen to fill his place. Auxentius, the younger, known also as Mercurinus, was afterwards set up by the Arian Court party as a rival bishop to Ambrose. A third Auxentius, a supporter of the heretic Jovinianus, is mentioned in the Epistle of Siricius. Vide reff. in Baronius and Tillemont. An Auxentius, Arian bishop of Mopsuestia, is mentioned by Philostorgius, 5,1. 2.

104 A Pannonian bishop. Ath. ad Epict.

105 The word in the text is wmothta, which is supposed to have stood for crudelitatem, a clerical error for credulitatem in the Latin original).

106 At or near the modern Hafsa, not far to the S. of Adrianople.

107 i.e. the Arians.

108 “The Eusebians, little pleased with the growing dogmatism of members of their own body, fell upon the expedient of confining their confession to Scripture terms; which, when separated from their context, were of course inadequate to concentrate and ascertain the true doctrine. Hence the formula of the Homoeon, which was introduced by Acacius with the express purpose of deceiving or baffling the semi-Arian members of his party. This measure was the more necessary for Eusebian interests, inasmuch as a new variety of the heresy arose in the East at the same time, advocated by Aetius and Eunomius; who, by professing boldly the pure Arian text, alarmed Constantius, and threw him back upon Basil, and the other semi-Arians. This new doctrine, called Anomoean, because it maintained that the usia or substance of the Son was unlike (anomoio") the Divine usia, was actually adopted by one portion of the Eusebians, Valens, and his rude occidentals; whose language and temper, not admitting the refinements of Grecian genius, led them to rush from orthodoxy into the most hard and undisguised impiety. And thus the parties stand at the date now before us (a.d. 356–361); Constantius being alternately swayed by Basil, Acacius, and Valens, that is by the Homousian, the Homoean, and the Anomoean, the semi-Arian, the Scripturalist, and the Arian pure” (Newman, Arians, 4,§4).

109 upostasi".

110 proswpon.

111 The letter is given in Soz. 6,23. The Latin text (Coll. p.
Rm 163) differs materially from the Greek.

549 112 These were displayed after his establishment in his see. He was the nominee of the Arian party, and bloody scenes marked the struggle with his rival Ursinus. “Damasus et Ursinus, supra humanum modum ad rapiendam episcopatus sedem ardentes, scissis studiis asperrime conflictabantur, adusque morris vulnerumque discrimina progressis. …Constat in basilica ubi ritus christiani conventiculum uno die centum triginta septem reperta cadavera peremptorum.” Amm. Marc. 27,3, 13. “But we can say that he used his success well, and that the chair of St. Peter was never more respected nor more vigorous than during his bishopric.” Mr. Moberly in Dict. Christ. Biog. 1,782. Jerome calls him (Ep. Hier. 48,230) “an illustrious man, virgin doctor of the virgin church.”

But not his least claim to our regard is that in the Catacombs it was his “labour of love to rediscover the tombs which had been blocked up for concealment under Diocletian, to remove the earth, widen the passages, adorn the sepulchral chambers with marble, and support the friable tufa walls with arches of brick and stone.” “Roma Sotterranea,” Northcote and Brownlow, p. 97.

113 Galatai = Keltoi, the older name, which exists in Herodotus II. 33 and IV. 49. Pausanias (I. 3,5) says oye de pote autou" kaleisqai Galata" exenikhse, Keltoi gar kata te sfa" to arcaion kai para toi" alloi" wnomazonto. Galatia occurs on the Monumentum Ancyranum. Bp. Lightfoot (Galat. p. 3) says the first instance of Gallia (Galli) which he has found in any Greek writer is in Epictetus II. 20, 17.

114 In Sozomen, Valerius, Bishop of Aquileia. “But little is known of his life, but under his rule there grew up at Aquileia the society of remarkable persons of whom Hieronymus became the most famous.” Dict. Christ. Biog. 4,1102.

115 carakthr: contrast the statement in He 1,3, that the Son is the carakthr of the person of the Father). carakthr in the letter of Damasus approaches more nearly our use of “character” as meaning distinctive qualities. cf. Plato Phaed. 26 B.

116 upostasi").

117 (
Jr 2,13 Jr 2,

118 (Os 8,7 Os 8, text “dragmata mh econta iscun” recalls the septuagint dragma ouk econ iscun.

119 Ath). Ap. de fug. §26 and Hist. Ar. §28. The question of suneisaktai was one of the great scandals and difficulties of the early Church. Some suppose that the case of Leontius was the cause of the first Canon of the Nicene Council peri twn tolmwntwn eautau" ektemnein.

Theodoretus (iv. 12) relates an instance of what was considered conjugal chastity, and the mischiefs referred to in the text arose from the rash attempt to imitate such continence. Vide Suicer in voc.

120 Flavianus was a noble native of Antioch, and was afterwards (381–404) bishop of that see. Diodorus in later times (c. 379) became bishop of Tarsus, “one of the most deservedly venerated names in the Eastern church for learning, sanctity, courage in withstanding heresy, and zeal in the defence of the truth. Diodorus has a still greater claim on the grateful remembrances of the whole church, as, if not the founder, the chief promoter of the rational school of scriptural interpretation, of which his disciples, Chrysostom and Theodorus of Mopsuestia, and Theodoret, were such distinguished representatives.” Dict. Christ. Biog. 1,836. On the renewed championship of the Antiochene church by Flavianus and Diodorus under the persecution of Valens vide 4,22.

550 Socrates (vi. 8), describing the rivalry of the Homoousians and Arians in singing partizan hymns antiphonally in the streets of Antioch in the days of Arcadius, traces the mode of chanting to the great Ignatius, who once in a Vision heard angels so praising God.

But, remarks Bp. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers
PT 2 I. p. 31). “Antiphonal singing did not need to be suggested by a heavenly Vision. It existed already among the heathen in the arrangements of the Greek Chorus. It was practised with much elaboration of detail in the Psalmody of the Jews, as appears from the account which is given of the Egyptian Therapeutes. Its introduction into the Christian Church therefore was a matter of course almost from the beginning: and when we read in Pliny (Ep 10,97) that the Christians of Bithynia sang hymns to Christ as to a god, ‘alternately0’ (secure invicem) we may reasonably infer that the practice of antiphonal singing prevailed far beyond the limits of the church of Antioch, even in the time of Ignatius himself.”

Augustine (Conf. 9,7) states that the fashion of singing “secundum morem orientalium partium” was introduced into the Church of Milan at the time of the persecution of Ambrose by Justina, “ne populus moeroris toedio contabesceret,” and thence spread all over the globe.

Platina attributes the introduction of antiphons at Rome to Pope Damasus.

Hooker (ii. 166) quotes the older authority of “the Prophet Esay,” in the vision where the seraphim cried to one another in what Bp. Mant calls “the alternate hymn.”

121 I prefer the reading of Basil Gr. and Steph. I). ergata" to the erasta" of Steph. 2 and Pin.

122 epieikeia". “The mere existence of such a word as epieikeia is itself a signal evidence of the high development of ethics among the Greeks. It expresses exactly that moderation which recognizes the impossibility, cleaving to formal law, of anticipating or providing for all cases that will emerge, and present themselves to it for decision …It is thus more truly just than strict justice will have been; being dikaion kai beltion tino" dikaiou, as Aristotle expresses it. Eth. Nic. V. 10. 6.” Archbp. Trench’s synonyms of the N.T. p. 151. The “clemency” on which Tertullus reckons in Felix is epieikeia; and in 2Co 10,St. Paul beseeehes by the “gentleness” or epieikeia of Christ).

123 (Ps 83 2–3-4.

124 Basilius, a learned physician, a Semiarian of Ancyra, was made bishop of that see on the deposition of Marcellus, in 336, and excommunicated at Sardica in 347. In 350 he was reinstated at the command of Constantius. He was again exiled under Acacian influence failed to get restitution from Jovian, and probably died in exile. (Soc. ii, 20, 26, iv, 24). Vide also Theod. ii, 23. His works are lost. Athanasius praises him as among those who were (de Synod. 603 ed. Migne) “not far from accepting the Homousion.”

125 Eustathius was bishop of Sebasteia or Sebaste (Siwas) on the Halys, from 357 to 380.

Basil, Ep. 244, §9, says that he was a heretic “black who could not turn white”; but he exhibited many shades of theological colour, preserving through all vicissitudes a high personal character, and a something “more than human.” Basil Ep. 212, §2. Ordained by Eulalius, he was degraded because he insisted on wearing very unclerical costume. (Soc. ii, 43). The question of the identity of this Eustathius with the Eustathius condemned at the Council of Ancyra is discussed in the Dict. Christ. Ant. i, 709.

551 126 “Now that the Semiarians were forced to treat with their late victims on equal terms, they agreed to hold a general Council. Both parties might hope for success. If the Homoean influence was strong at Court, the Semiarians were strong in the East, and could count on some help from the Western Nicenes. But the Court was resolved to secure a decision to its own mind. As a Council of the whole Empire might have been too independent, it was divided. The Westerns were to meet at Ariminum in Italy, the Easterns at Seleucia in Isauria.” “It was a fairly central spot, and easy of access from Egypt and Syria by sea, but otherwise most unsuitable. It was a mere fortress, lying in a rugged country, where the spurs of Mount Taurus reach the sea. Around it were the ever-restless marauders of Isauria.” “The choice of such a place is as significant as ira Pan-Anglican synod were called to meet at the central and convenient port of Souakim.”

Gwatkin “The Arian Controversy.” pp. 93–96.

The Council met here a.d. 359.

127 (He appears to have been less conspicuous for consistency in the Arian Controversy. At Tyre he is described by Sozomen and Socrates as assenting to the deposition of Athanasius but Rufinus (H. E. 1,17) tells the dramatic story of the success ful interposition of the aged and mutilated Paphnutius of the Thebaid, who took his vacillating brother by the hand, and led him to the little knot of Athanasians. Sozomen (iv. 203) represents him as deposed by Acacius for too zealous orthodoxy, and replaced by Cyril, then a Semiarian. Jerome agrees with Theodoret, and makes Cyril succeed on the death of Maximus in 350 or 351. (Chron. ann. 349).

128 Sozomen and Socrates are less favourable to his orthodoxy. In his favour see the synodical letter written by the bishops assembled at Constantinople after the Council in 381, and addressed to Pope Damasus, which is given in the Vth book of our author, Chapter 9. He was engaged in a petty controversy with Acacius on the precedence of the sees of Caesarea and Aelia (Jerusalem), and in 357 deposed. On appeal to the Council of Seleucia he was reinstated, but again deposed by Constantius, partly on the pretended charge of dealing improperly with a robe given by Constantine to Macarius, which Theodoret records later (Chap. xiii). Restored by Julian he was left in peace under Jovian and Valentinian, exiled by Valens, and restored by Theodosius. He died in 386, and left Catechetical lectures, a Homily, and an Epistle, of which the authenticity has been successfully defended, and which vindicate rather his orthodoxy than his ability. cf. Canon Venables. Dict. Ch. Biog. s. 5,

129 i.e., Eustathius of Sebasteia, and Basilius of Ancyra (vide note on p. 86). Silvanus of Tarsus was one of the Semiarians of high character. For his kindly entertainment of Cyril of Jerusalem vide page 87. Tillemont places his death in 363.

Eleusius of Cyzicus was also a Semiarian of the better type (cf. Hil. de Syn. p. 133). The evil genius of his life was Macedorius of Constantinople, by whose influence he was made bishop of Cyzicus in 356. Here with equal zeal he destroyed pagan temples and a Novatian church, and this was remembered against him when he attempted to return to his see on the accession of Julian At Nicomedia in 366 he was moved by the threats of Valens to declare himself an Arian and then in remorse resigned his see, but his flock refused to let him go, Socr. 4,6).

130 Seras, or Serras, had been an Arian leader in Libya. In 356 Serras, together with Secundus, deposed bishop of Ptole mais, proposed to consecrate Aetius; he refused on the ground that they were tainted with Orthodoxy. Ph 3,19. In 359 he subscribed the decrees of Seleucia as bishop of Paraetonium (Al Bareton W. of Alexandria) (Epiph. Haer. lxxiii. 20). Now he is deposed (360) by the Constantinopolitan Synod. Vide Dict. Christ. Biog. s. 5,

Stephanus, a Libyan bishop ordained by Secundus of Ptolemais, and concerned with him in the murder of the Presbyter Secundus, as described by Athan. in Hist. Ar. §65 cf. Ath). de Syn. §12.

Heliodorus was Arian bishop of Apollonia or Sozysa (Shahfah) in Libya Prima. cf. LeQuien Or. Ch. 2,617.

Theophilus, previously bishop of Eleutheropolis in Palestine, was translated, against his vow of fidelity to that see, (Soz. 4,24) to Castabala in Cilicia. On the place Vide Bp. Lightfoot. Ap. Fathers Pt. 2,Vol. III. 136.

552 131 sumperihnecqhmen is the suggestion of Valesius for sumperieyhqisqhmen, a word of no authority).

132 On the picturesque word upoulo" cf. Hipp: XXI, 32; Plat: Gorg. 518 E. and the well-known passage in the Oed: Tyrannus (1396) where Oedipus speaks of the promise of his youth as “a fair outside all fraught with ills below.”

133 Now Nisibin, an important city of Mesopotamia on the Mygdonius (Hulai). Its name was changed under the Macedonian dynasty to Antiochia Mygdonica. Frequently taken and retaken it was ultimately ceded by Jovian to Sapor a.d. 363.

134 “poliouco"” is an epithet of the protecting delty of a city, as of Athens “IIalla" poliouco"É” Ar. Eq. 581.

135 Born in the city of which he was afterwards bishop, Jacobus early acquired fame by his ascetic austerity. While on a journey into Persia with the object at once of confirming his own faith and that of the Christian sufferers under the persecution of Sapor II, he was supposed to work wonders, of which the following, related by Theodoretus, is a specimen. Once upon a time he saw a Persian judge delivering an unjust sentence. Now a huge stone happening to be lying close by, he ordered it to be crushed and broken into pieces, and so proved the injustice of the sentence. The stone was instantly divided into innumerable fragments, the spectators were panic-stricken, and the judge in terror revoked his sentence and delivered a righteous judgment. On the see of his native city falling vacant Jacobus was made bishop. The “Religious History” describes him as signalling his episcopate by the miracle attributed by Gregory of Nyssa in Gregory the Wonder-Worker, and by Sozomen (vii. 27) to Epiphanius. As in the “Nuremberg Chronicle,” the same woodcut serves for Thales, Nehemiah, and Dante, so a popular miracle was indiscriminately assigned to saint after saint. “Once upon a time he came to a certain village, — the spot I cannot name, — and up come some beggars putting down one of their number before him as though dead, and begging him to supply some necessaries for the funeral. Jacobus granted their petition, and on behalf of the apparently dead man began to pray to God to forgive him the sins of his lifetime and grant him a place in the company of the just. Even while he was speaking, away flew the soul of the man who had up to this moment shammed death, and coverings were provided for the corpse. The holy man proceeded on his journey. and the inventors of this play told their recumbent companion to get up. But now they saw that he did not hear, that the pretence had become a reality, and that what a moment ago was a live man’s mask was now a dead man’s face. So they overtake the great Jacobus, bow down before him, roll at his feet and declare that they would not have played their impudent trick but for their poverty, and implored him to forgive them and restore the dead man’s soul. So Jacobus in imitation of the philanthropy of the Lord granted their prayer, exhibited his wonder working power, and through his prayer restored the lite which his power hail taken away.”

At Nicaea Theodoret describes Jacobus as a “champion” of the orthodox “phalanx.” (Relig. Hist. 1114). At the state dinner given by Constantine to the Nicene Fathers, “James of Nisibis (so ran the Eastern tale — Biblioth. Pat. clv). saw angels standing round the Emperor, and underneath his purple robe discovered a sackcloth garment. Constantine, in return, saw angels ministering to James, placed his seat above the other bishops, and said: ‘There are three pillars of the world, Antony in Egypt, Nicolas of Myra, James in Assyria.0’” Stanley, Eastern Church, Lect. V.

136 Ammianus Marcellinus 23. 4. 10. thus describes the “JElepoli" mhcanh.” “An enormous testudo is strengthened by long planks and fitted with iron bolts. This is covered with hides and fresh wicker-work. Its upper parts are smeared with mud as a protection against fire and missiles. To its front are fastened three-pronged spear points made exceedingly sharp, and steadied by iron weights, like the thunderbolts of painters anti potters. Thus whenever it was directed against anything these stings were shot out to destroy. The huge mass was moved on wheels and ropes from within by a considerable body of troops, and advanced with a mighty impulse against the weaker part of a town wall. Then unless the defenders prevailed against it the walls were beaten in and a wide breach made.”

137 a.d. 361.

138 According to Sozomen, Sebaste; but Socrates (II. 44) makes him bishop of the Syrian Beroea Gregory of Nyssa (Orat: In Fun Mag: Meletii) puts on record “the sweet calm look the radiant smile, the kind hand seconding the kind voice”

139 On Acacius ot Caesarea vide note on page 70. At the Synod of Seleucia in 359 he started the party of the Homoeans, and was deposed. In the reign of Jovian they inclined to Orthodoxy; in that of Valens to Arianism (cf. Soc. 4,2). Acacius was a benefactor to the Public Library of Caesarea (Hieron. Marcellam (141). Baronius places his death in 366.

140 Tria ta nooumena,wseni de dialegomeqa “Tria sunt quae intelliguntur, sed tanquam unum alloquimur.” The narrative of Sozomen (iv. 28) enables us to supply what Theodoret infelicitously omits. It was when an Arian archdeacon rudely put his hand over the bishop’s mouth that Meletius indicated the orthodox doctrine by his fingers. When the archdeacon at his wits’ end uncovered the mouth and seized the hand of the confessor, “with a loud voice he the more clearly proclaimed his doctrine.”

553 141 The Euripus, the narrow channel between Euboea and the mainland, changes its current during eleven days in each month, eleven to fourteen times a day cf. Arist. Eth. N. 9,6.3. “metarrei wsper Euripo".”

142 cf. p. 34.

143 (
Gn 19,17 Gn 19,

144 (Mt 5,29 Mt 5,

145 Constantius died at Mopsucrene, on the Cydnus, according to Socrates and the Chron. Alex., on Nov. 3, 361. Socrates (ii. 47) ascribes his illness to chagrin at the successes of Julian, and says that he died in the 46th year of his age and 39th of his reign, having for thirteen years been associated iu he empire with his Father. Ammianus (xxi. 15, 2) writes, “Venit Tarsum, ubi leviore febri contactus, ratusque itinerario motu imminutae valetudinis excuti posse discrimen, petiit per vias difficiles Mopsucrenas, Cillciae ultimam hinc pergentibus stationem, sub Tauri montis radicibus positam: egredique sequuto die conatus, invalenti morbi gravitate detentus est: paulatimque urente calore nimio venas, ut ne tangi quidem corpus eius posset in modum foculi fervens, cum usus deficeret medelarum, ultimum spirans deflebat exitium; mentisque sensu tum etiam integro, successorem suae potestatis statuisse dicitur Julianum. Deinde anhelitu iam pulsatus letali conticuit diuque cum anima colluctatus iam discessura, abiit e vita III. Non. Octobrium, (i.e. Oct. 5 — a different date from that given by others) imperii vitaeque anno quadragesimo et mensibus paucis.” His Father having died in 337, Constantius really reigned 24 years alone, and if we include the 13 years which Socrates reckons in the lifetime of Constantine, we only reach 37. He was born on Aug. 6, 317, and was therefore a little over 44 at his death.

“Constantius was essentially a little man, in whom his father’s vices took a meaner form.” “The peculiar repulsiveness of Constantius is not due to any flagrant personal vice, but to the combination of cold-blooded treachery with the utter want of any inner nobleness of character. Yet he was a pious emperor, too, in his way. He loved the ecclesiastical game, and was easily won over to the Eusebian side.”

Gwatkin. “The Arian Controversy.” p. 63.

1 On the murder of the Princes of the blood Gallus was first sent alone to Tralles or Ephesus, (Soc. 3,1,) and afterwards spent some time with his brother Julian in Cappadocia in retirement, but with a suitable establishment. On their relationship to Constantius vide Pedigree in the prolegomena.

2 The massacre “involved the two uncles of Constantius, seven of his cousins, of whom Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were the most illustrious, the patrician Optatus, who had married a sister of the late Emperor, and the praefect Abcavius.” “If it were necessary to aggravate the horrors of this bloody scene we might add that Constantius himself had espoused the daughter of his uncle Julius, and that he had bestowed his sister in marriage on his cousin Hannibalianus.” “Of so numerous a family Gallus and Julian alone, the two youngest children of Julius Constantius, were saved from the hands of the assassins, till their rage, satiated with slaughter, had in some measure subsided.” Gibbon, Chap. 18,Theodoretus follows the opinion of Athanasius and Julian in ascribing the main guilt to Constantius, but, as Gibbon points out, Eutropius and the Victors “use the very qualifying expressions;” “sinente potius quam jubente;” “incertum quo suasore;” and “vl militum.” Gregory of Nazianzus (Or. 4,21) ascribes the preservation of both Julian and his brother Gallus to the clemency and protection of Constantius.

3 Tertullian (De Praesc. 41) is the earliest authority for the office of Anagnostes, Lector, or Reader, as a distinct order in the Church. Henceforward it appears as one of the minor orders, and is frequently referred to by Cyprian (Epp. 29. 38, etc).. By one of Justinian’s novels it was directed that no one should be ordained Reader before the age of eighteen, but previously young boys were admitted to the office, at the instance of their parents, as introductory to the higher functions of the sacred ministry. Dict. Christ. Ant. 1. 80.

4 Sozomen (v. 2) tells us that when the princes were building a chapel for the martyr Mamas, the work of Gallus stood, but that of Julian tumbled down. A more famous instance of the care of Gallus for the christian dead is the story of the translation of the remains of the martyr Babylas from Antioch to Daphne, referred to by our author (iii. 6) as well as by Sozomen 5,19, and by Rufinus 10,35. cf. Bishop Lightfoot, Ap. Fathers II. 1,42.

554 5 Gallus was made Caesar by the childless Constantius in 350, in about his 25th year. “Fuit” says Am. Marcellinus (xiv. II. 28) “forma conspicuus bona, decente filo corporis, membrorumque recta compage, flavo capillo et molli, barba licet recens emergente lanugine tenera.” His government at Antioch was not successful, and at the instigation of the Eunuch Eusebius he was executed in 354 at Pola, a town already infamous for the murder of Crispus).

6 amuhtoi".

7 The accession of Julian was made known in Alexandria at the end of Nov. 361, and the Pagans at once rose against George, imprisoned him, and at last on Dec. 24, brutally beat and kicked him to death. The Arians appointed a successor—Lucius, but on Feb. 22 Athanasius once more appeared among his faithful flock, and lost no time in getting a Council for the settlement of several moot points of discipline and doctrine, which Theodoret proceeds to enumerate.

8 i.e. of Vercellae. Vide p. 76. From Scythopolis he had been removed to Cappadocia, and thence to the Thebaid, whence he wrote a letter, still extant, to Gregory, bp. of Elvira in Spain.

9 Valesius supposes Hilary of Poictiers to be mentioned here, though he recognises the difficulty of the “o ek th" AEItalia",” and would alter the text t meet it. Possibly this is the Hilary who is said to have been bishop of Pavia from 358 to 376, and may be the “Sanctus Hilarius” of Aug). Cont. duas Epist. Pelag 4,4. 7. cf. article Ambrosiaster in Dict. Christ. Biog.

10 cf. p. 76, note. Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, had first been relegated in 355 to Eleutheropolis, (a town of the 3d C., in Palestine, about 20 m. west of Jerusalem) whence he wrote the controversial pamphlets still extant. He vigorously abused Constantius, to whom he paid the compliment of sending a copy of his work. The emperor appears to have retorted by having him removed to the Thebaid, whence he returned in 361).

11 cf. p. 41. Eustathius died about 337, at Philippi, — probably about six years after his deposition. Alexander, an ascetic (cf. post, V. Ch. 35) did not become bishop of Antioch till 413.

12 The raison d’etre of the Luciferians as a distinct party was their unwillingness to accept communion with men who had ever lapsed into Arianism. Jerome gives 371 as the date of Lucifer’s death. “To what extent he was an actual schismatic remains obscure.” St. Ambrose remarks that “he had separated himself from our communion,” (de excessu Satyri 1127, 47) and St. Augustine that “he fell into the darkness of schism, having lost the light of charity.” (
Ep 185 Ep 47). But there is no mention of any separation other than Lucifer’s own repulsion of so many ecclesiastics; and Jerome in his dialogue against the Luciferians (§20) calls him “beatus and bonus pastor.” J. Ll. Davies in Dict. Christ. Biog. s. 5,

13 Corybantes, the name of the priests of Cybele, whose religious service consisted in noisy music and wild armed dances, is a word of uncertain origin. The chief seat of their rites was Pessinus in Galatia.

14 Qiaswtai. lit. The “club-fellows,” or “members of a religious brotherhood.”

15 Sebaste was a name given to Samaria by Herod the Great in honour of Augustus. cf. Rufinus H. E. 11,28 and Theophanes, Chronographia 1,117. Theodoretus claims to have obtained some of the relics of the Baptist for his own church at Cyrus (Relig. Hist. 1245). On the development of the tradition of the relics, cf. Dict. Christ. Ant. 1,883. A magnificent church was built by Theodosius (Soz. 7,21 and 24) in a suburb of Constantinople, to enshrine a head discovered by some unsound monks. The church is said by Sozomen (vii. 24) to be “at the seventh milestone,” on the road out of Constantinople, and the place to be called Hebdomon or “seventh.” I am indebted to the Ap H. F. Tozer for the suggestion that Hebdomon was a promontory on the Propontis, to the west of the extreme part of the city, where the Cyclobion was, and where the Seven Towers now are; and that the Seven Towers being about six Roman miles from the Seraglio Point, which is the apex of the triangle formed by the city, the phrase at the seventh milestone is thus accounted for. Bones alleged to be parts of the scull are still shewn at Amiens. The same emperor built a church for the body on the site of the Serapeum at Alexandria.

555 16 Heliopolis, the modern Baalbec, the “City of the Sun,” was built at the west foot of Anti-Libanus, near the sources of the Orontes.

17 On the Orontes; now Homs. Here Aurelian defeated Zenobia in 273.

18 Durostorum, now Silistria, on the right bank of the Danube.

19 Valesius (note on Soz. 5,10) would distinguish this Marcus of Arethusa from the Arian Marcus of Arethusa, author of the creed of Sirmium (Soc. H. E. 2,30), apparently on insufficient grounds (Dict. Christ. Biog. s. 5,). Arethusa was a town not far from the source of the Orontes.

20 (
Mt 10,23 Mt 10,

21 The sharp iron stilus was capable of inflicting severe wounds. Caesar, when attacked by his murderers, “caught Casca’s arm and ran it through with his pen.” Suetonius.

22 garon, garum, was a fish-pickle. cf. the barbarous punishment of the skafeusi",inficted among others on Mithridates, who wounded Cyrus at Cunaxa. (Plut). Artaxerxes.)

23 cf. Aristophanes (Aves 808) “tadAE ouc upAE allwn alla toi" autwn pteroi".”

24 The crowning outrage which moved Julian to put out the edict of exile was the baptism by the bishop of some pagan ladies. The letter of Julian (Ep. p. 187) fixed Dec. 1st, 362, as the limit of Athanasius’ permission to stay in Egypt, but it was on Oct. 23d (Fest. Ind). that the order was communicatedto him.

25 The story may be compared with that of Napoleon on the return from Elba in Feb. 1815, when on being hailed by some passing craft with an enquiry as to the emperor’s health, he is said to have himself taken the speaking trumpet and replied “Quite well.”

26 (He concealed himself at Choeren, (? El Careon) near Alexandria, and went thence to Memphis, whence he wrote his Festal Letter for 363. Julian died June 26, 363.

556 27 Babylas, bishop of Antioch from 238 to 251, was martyred in the Decian persecution either by death in prison (Euseb. H. E. 6,39 meta thn omologian en desmwthriw metallaxanto") or by violence. (Chrys. des. B.c. gentes) “Babylas had won for himself a name by his heroic courage as bishop of Antioch. It was related of him that on one occasion when the emperor Philip, who was a Christian, had presented himself one Easter Eve at the time of prayer, he had boldly refused admission to the sovereign, till he had gone through the proper discipline of a penitent for some offence committed. (Eus. II. E. 6,34). He acted like a good shepherd, says Chrysostom, who drives away the scabby sheep, lest it should infect the flock.” Bp. Lightfoot, Ap. Fathers II. 1,p. 40–46.

28 “The Daphnean Sanctuary was four or five miles distant from the city.” “Rufinus says six, but this appears to be an exaggeration.” Bp. Lightfoot 50,c.

29 (
Ps 96 Ps 7).

30 “Gibbon seems to confuse this young man Theodorus with Theodoretus the presbyter and martyr who was put to death about this time at Antioch by the Count Julianus, the uncle of the emperor, (Soz. 5,8., Ruinart’s Act. Mart. Sinc. p. 605 sq). for he speaks in his text of ‘a presbyter of the name of Theodoret,0’ and in his notes of ‘the passion of S. Theodore in the Acta Sincera of Ruinart,0’” Bp. Lightfoot. p. 43.

31 “Gibbon says, ‘During the night which terminated this indiscreet procession, the temple of Daphne was in flames,0’ and later writers have blindly followed him. He does not give any authority, but obviously he is copying Tillemont H. E. 3,p. 407 ‘en mesme temps que l’on portant dans la ville la châsse du Saint Martyr, c’est àdire la nuit suivante.0’ The only passage which Tillemont quotes is Ammianus, (xxii. 13) ‘eodem tempore die 11,Kal. Nov.,0’ which does not bear him out. On the contrary the historians generally (cf. Soz. 5,20, Theod. 3,7) place the persecutions which followed on the processions, and which must have occupied some time, before the burning of the temple.” Bp. Lightfoot.

32 newkorou". newkoro" is the word rendered “worshipper” in Acts xix. 35 by A. V. The R.V. has correctly “temple-keeper,” the old derivation from korew = sweep, being no doubt less probable than the reference of the latter part of the word to a root KOR = KOL, found in colo, curo.

33 th" twn sithresiwn afairesew". This deprivation is not further referred to in the text. Philostorgius (vii. 4) says “He distributed the allowance of the churches among the ministers of the daemons,” cf. Soz. 5,5. The restitution is recorded in Theod. 4,4. The sitometrion of St. Lc 12,42. (cf). thn trofhn in Mt 24,45) is analogous to the sithresia of the text. Vide Suicer s. 5,

34 By the constitution of Constantine the two great ministers of finance were (i) the Comes sacrarum largitionum, treasurer and paymaster of the public staff of the Empire; (ii) Comes rei privatoe, who managed the privy purse and kept the liber beneficionum, an account of privileges granted by the emperor. cf. Dict. Christ. Ant. 1,p. 634.

35 Trapeza is the word commonly employed by the Greek Fathers and in Greek Liturgies to designate the Lord’s Table). Qusiasthrion is used by Eusebius H. E. 10,4, for the Altar of the Church of Tyre, but the earlier qusiasthrion of Ignatius (Philad. iv). does not appear to mean the Lord’s Table. cf. Bp. Lightfoot Ap. Fathers. pt. II. 2,p. 258.

36 apokrisi").

37 The earliest authorities for the order are St. Paul, Rm 16,1, and probably I. Tim. 3,11; and Pliny in his letter to Trajan, if ancilla = diakono".

557 38 Vide note on page 98.

39 neusai).

40 (
1Co 10,25 1Co 10,

41 Song of the Three Children, 5,8, quoted not quite exactly from the Septuagint, which runs pareowka" hma" …basilei adikw kai ponhrotatw para pasan thn ghn. The text is, paredwka" hma" basilei paranomw apostath para panta ta eqnh ta onta epi th" gh".

42 cf. St. Chrysostom’s homily in their honour. The Basilian menology mentions Juventinus under Oct. 9.

43 Valentinianus, a native of Cibalis (on the Save) in Pannonia (Bosnia) was elected Feb. 26, 364, and reigned till Nov. 17, 375. Though a Christian, he was tolerant of paganism, or the peasant’s religion, as in his reign heathenism began to be named (Codex Theod. 16,ii. 18). The “shortly after” of the text means some two years).

44 “The original mode of making the sign of the Cross was with the thumb of the right hand, generally on the forehead only, or on other objects, once or thrice. (Chrysost). Hom. ad pop. Art. xl.) ‘Thrice he made the sign of the cross on the chalice with his finger.0’ (Sophron. in Prat. Spirit).” Dict. Christ. Ant. s. 5,

45 By the Constitution of Constantine the supreme military command was given to a “Magister equitum” and a “Magister peditum.” Under them were a number of “Duces” and “Comites,” Dukes and Counts, with territorial titles.

46 Ammianus Marcellinus (XXII. 11) says, “Artemius ex duce Aegypti, Alexandrinis urgentibus, atrocium criminum mole, supplicio capitall multatus est.”

47 Psalm 115,4.

48 Psalm 115,8).

558 49 Psalm lxvii. 1.

50 Cf. Ep 5,19.

51 Bp. Wordsworth (Dict. Chris. Biog. iii, 500) is in favour of the letter (
Ep 24, Ed. Didot 350) in which Julian desires the prayers of the Creator and professes a wish to rebuild and inhabit Jerusalem with them after his return from the Persian war and there give glory to the Supreme Being. It is addressed to his “brother Julus, the very venerable patriarch.”

52 This is the motive ascribed by the Arian Philostorgius (vii. 9).

53 “The curious statement that crosses were imprinted on the bodies anti clothes of persons present, is illustrated in the original edition of Newman’s Essay (clxxxii).” (i.e. on ecclesiastical miracles) “by some parallel instances quoted by Warburton from Casaubon and from Boyle. Such crosses, or cross-like impressions, are said to have followed not only a thunderstorm, but also an eruption of Vesuvius these crosses were seen on linen garments, as shirt sleeves, women’s aprons, that had lain open to the air, and upon the exposed parts of sheets.” “Chrysostom (Ed. Montfaucon, vol. 5,271, etc). mentions ‘crosses imprinted upon garments,0’ as a sign that had occurred in his generation, close to the mention of the Temple of Apollo that was overthrown by a thunderbolt, and separated from the wonders in Palestine that he mentions subsequently.” Dr. E. A. Abbott). Philomythus, 189.

54 This event “came like the vision of Constantine, at a critical epoch in the world’s history. It was as the heathen poet has it, a ‘dignus vindice nodus.0’ All who were present or heard of the event at the time, thought, we may be sure, that it was a sign from God. As a miracle then it ranges beside those biblical miracles in which, at some critical moment, the forces of nature are seen to work strikingly for God’s people or against their enemies. In the O. T. we have for example, the instances of the plagues of Egypt, the passage of the Red Sea and the drowning of Pharaoh’s host, the crossing of the Jordan, the prolongation of sunlight” (? darkness. Vide “A misunderstood miracle” by the Ap A. Smythe Palmer) “the destruction of Sennacherib’s army; in the N. T. the stilling of the storm, and the earthquake and the darkness at the crucifixion.” Bp. Wordsworth. Dict. Ch. Biog. 2,513. To biblical instances may be added the defeat of Sisera anti the fall of Aphek. But, too, for “the forces of nature,” when the Armada was scattered, or when the siege of Leyden was raised the course of modern history would have been changed. Cressy may also be cited.

On the evidence for this event as contrasted with the so-called ecclesiastical miracles, accepted and defended by the late Cardinal Newman, vide Dr. E. A. Abbott’s Philomythus pp. 1 and 5 et seq. “There is better evidence for this than for any of the preceding miracles.” “The real solid testimony is that of Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 1). An impartial historian, who served under Julian in the Persian campaign, and who, twenty years afterwards, recorded the interruption of the building of the Temple by terrible bails of fire.” “If Ammianus had lived nearer the time of the alleged incident, or had added a statement of the evidence on which he based his stories, the details might have been defended. As it is, the circumstances, while favouring belief in his veracity do not justify us in accepting anything more than the fact that the rebuilding of the Temple was generally believed to have been stopped by some supernatural fiery manifestation.” “The rebuilding was probably stopped by a violent thunderstorm or thunderstorms.”

55 This is probably the last occasion on which the moribund oracles were consulted by any one of importance. Of Delphi, the “navel of the earth” (Strabo 9,505) in Phocis, Cicero had written some four centuries earlier “Cur isto modo jam oracula Delphi non eduntur, non modo nostra aetate, sed jam diu, ut nihil possit esse contemptius:” Div. ii. 57. Plutarch, who died about a.d. 120, wrote already "de defectu oraculorum.

The oracle of Apollo at Delos was consulted only in the summer months, as in the winter the god was supposed to beat Patara: so Virgil (iv. 143) writes

“Qualis ubi hibernam Lyciam Xanthique fluenta

Deserit, ac Delum maternam invisit Apollo.”

559 Dodona in Epirus was the most ancient of the oracular shrines, where the suppliant went

“ofra qeoio

ek druo" uyikomoio Dio" boulhn epakousai.

Od. 14,327.

“The oracles” were potentially “dumb,” “Apollo …with hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving,” as Milton sings, at the Nativity, but it was not till the reign of Theodosius that they were finally silenced.

56 nun pante" wrmhqhmen qeoi nikh" tropaia komisasqai para qhri potamw twn d egw hgemoneusw qouro" polemoklonos (Arh".

57 These four illustrations, occurring in a single sentence indicate a certain breadth of reading on the part of the writer, and bear out his character for learning. (cf. Gibbon and Jortin, remarks on Qo Hist. 2,113). Socrates, the best of the philosophers, is set against Critias, one of the worst of the politicians of Hellas; Pythagoras, the Samian sage of Magna Graecia, against Phalaris, the Sicilian tyrant who

“tauro violenti membra Perilli

Torruit;” (Ovid. A. A. 1. 653)

but did not write the Epistles once ascribed to him. Theo-doretus probably remembered his Homer when he cited Thersites as the ugliest man of the old world; —

“He was squint-eyed, and lame of either foot;

560 (So crook-back’d that he had no breast; sharp-headed, where did shoot

Here and there spersed, thin mossy hair.

Il. 2,219. Chapman’s Trans.

And the juxtaposition of Pythagoras and Nireus suggests that it may possibly have been Horace who suggested Nireus as the type of beauty: —

“Nec te Pythagorae fallant arcana renati,

Formaque vincas Nirea,” (Hor. Epod. xv).

though Nireus appears as kallisto" anh" in the same book of the Iliad as that in which Thersites is derided, and Theodoret is said to have known no Latin.

58 Valesius points out that politeuesqai means to hold the rank of Curiales or Decuriones. The Beroea mentioned is presumably the Syrian Beroea now Haleb or Aleppo).

59 The word thus translated is either active or passive according to its accentuation). Qeomish" = hated by God; Qeomish" = hating God.

60 The word seems here used in its strictly Athenian sense of a slave who took charge of boys on their way between school and home (Vide Lycias 910. 2 and Plat. Rep. 373. C). rather than in the more general sense of teacher. In Xen. Lac. 3. 1. it is coupled with didaskalo": here it is contrasted with it.

61 “One of the most noteworthy and characteristic figures of expiring heathenism.” J.R. Mozley, Dict. Christ. Biog. s. 5,Born in Antioch a.d. 314, he died about the close of the century. He was a voluminous author, and wrote among other things a “vain, prolix, but curious narrative of his own life.” Gibbon. The most complete account of him will be found in E. R. Siever’s Das Leben des Libanius.

561 62 The form in the text (glwssokomon) is rejected by Attic purists, but is used twice by St. John, as well as in the Septuagint. In II. Chron. 24,8 (cf. II. Kings 12,9) it means a chest. In St. John’s Gospel 12,6 and 13,29 it is “the bag,” properly (xi. 3) “box,” which Judas carried. In the Palatine anthology Nicanor the coffin maker makes these “glossokoma” or coffins. Derivatively the word means “tongue-cases,” i.e. cases to keep the tongues or reeds of musical instruments. An instance of similar transfer of meaning is our word “coffin;” derivatively a wicker basket; — at one time any case or cover, and in Shakespeare (Titus Andronicus Act V. 2, 189) pie crust. Perhaps “casket,” which now still holds many things, may one day only hold a corpse.

63 In times and circumstances totally different, it may seem that Julian’s courtesy and moderation contrast favourably with the fierce zeal of the Christians. A modern illustration of the temper of the Church in Julian’s reign may be found in the following account given of his dragoman by the late author of “Eothen.” “Religion and the literature of the Church which he served had made him a man, and a brave man too. The lives of his honored Saints were full of heroic actions provoking imitation, and since faith in a creed involves faith its ultimate triumph, Dthemetri was bold from a sense of true strength; his education too, though not very general in its character, had been carried quite far enough to justify him in pluming himself upon a very decided advantage over the great bulk of the Mahometan population, including the men in authority. With all this consciousness of religious and intellectual superiority, Dthemetri had lived for the most part in countries lying under Mussulman governments, and had witnessed (perhaps too had suffered from) their revolting cruelties; the result was that he abhorred and despised the Mussulman faith and all who clung to it. And this hate was not of the dull, dry, and inactive sort; Dthemetri was in his way a true crusader, and whenever there appeared atair open. ing in the defence of Islam, he was ready and eager to make the assault. Such feelings, backed by a consciousness of understanding the people with whom he had to do, made Dthemetri not only firm and resolute in his constant Interviews with men in authority, but sometimes also very violent and very insulting.” Kinglake’s “Eothen,” 5th Ed., p. 270.

64 The emperor Julian was wounded in the neighbourhood of Symbria or Hucumbra on the Tigris on the morning of June 26th, 363, and died at midnight. On the somewhat similar stories of Apollonius of Tyana mounting a lofty rock in Asia Minor and shouting to the crowd about him ‘well done, Stephanus; excellent, Stephanus; smite the blood-stained wretch; thou hast struck, thou hast wounded, thou hast slain,0’ at the very moment when Domitian was being murdered at Rome (Dion Cass, 67. 18); and of Irenaeus at Rome hearing a voice as of a trumpet at the exact hour when Polycarp suffered at Smyrna proclaiming ‘Polycarp has been martyred0’ (Vid. Ep. Smyrn).. Bp. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers 1. 455) writes “The analogies of authenticated records of apparitions seen and voices heard at a distance at the moment of death have been too frequent in all ages to allow us to dismiss the story at once as a pure fiction.” Such narratives at all events testify to a wide-spread belief.

65 There seems to be an allusion to Caesar’s passage of the Rubicon in 49 b.c.

66 His fleet, with the exception of a few vessels, was burned at Abuzatha, where he halted five days (Zos 3. 26).

67 The exclamation was differently reported. Sozomen 6,2. says that some thought he lifted his hand to chicle the sun for failing to help him. It has been observed that the sound of nenikhka" Galilaie and hpathka" hlie would not be so dissimilar in Greek as in English. Ammianus Marcellinus (xxv. 3–9). says that he lost all hope of recovery when he heard that the place where he lay was called Phrygia, for in Phrygia he had been told that he would die. So it befell with Cambyses at Ecbatana (Her. iii. 64), Alexander King of Epirus at the Acheron (Livy 8,24) and Henry IV in the Jerusalem Chamber, when he asked “Doth any name particular belong unto this lodging where I first did swoon?” and on hearing that the chamber was called Jerusalem, remembered the old prediction that in Jerusalem he must die, and died.

68 The reading eusebeian for asebeian seems to keep up the irony.

69 hpatoskopia, or “inspection of the liver,” was a recognized form of divination. cf. the Sept. of Ez. 21,21. “kai eperwthsai en toi" gluptoi", kai hpatoskophsasqai” and Cic. de div. 2,13. “Caput jecoris ex omni parte diligentissime considerant; si vero id non est inventum, nihil putant accidere potuisse tristius.” Vide also Aesch. Pr. V. 503, and Paley’s note).

70 “The residence of Julian at Antioch was a disappointment to himself, and disagreeable to almost all the inhabitants.” “He had anticipated much more devotion on the part of the pagans, and much less force and resistance on that of the Christians than he discovered in reality. He was disgusted at finding that both parties regretted the previous reign. ‘Neither the Chi nor the Kappa0’ (that is neither Christ nor Constantius) ‘did our city any harm0’ became a common saying (Misopogon p. 357). To the heathens themselves the enthusiastic form of religion to which Julian was devoted was little more than an unpleasant and somewhat vulgar anachronism. His cynic asceticism and dislike of the theatre and the circus was unpopular in a city particularly addicted to public spectacles. His superstition was equally unpalatable. The short, untidy, long-bearded man, marching pompously in procession on the tips of his toes, and swaying his shoulders from side to side, surrounded by a crowd of abandoned characters, such as formed the regular attendants upon many heathen festivals, appeared seriously to compromise the dignity of the empire. (Ammianus 22,14. 3. His words ‘stipatus mulierculis0’ etc. go far to justify Gregory’s dhmosia tai" pornai" proupine in Orat. 5,22. p. 161, and Chrysostom’s more highly coloured description of the same sort of scene, for the accuracy of which he appeals to an eye witness still living, de S. Babyla in Fulianum §14. p. 667. The blood of countless victims flowed everywhere, but, to all appearance, served merely to gorge his foreign soldiery, especially the semi-barbarous Gauls, and the streets of Antioch were disturbed by their revels and by drunken parties carrying one another home to their barracks. (Amm. 22,12. 6).” “More secret rumours were spread of horrid nocturnal sacrifices, and of the pursuits of those arts of necromancy from which the natural heathen conscience shrank only less than the Christians.” “He discharged his spleen upon the general body of the citizens of Antioch by writing one of the most remarkable satires that has ever been published which he entitled the Misopogon. ‘He had been insulted,0’ says Gibbon, ‘by satire and libels; in his turn he composed under the title of The Enemy of the Beard, an ironical confession of his own faults, and a severe satire on the licentious and effeminate manners of Antioch. The imperial reply was publicly exposed before the gates of the palace, and the Misopogon still remains a singular monument of the resentment, the wit, the inhumanity, and the indiscretion of Julian. Gibbon, Chap. xxiv.0’ It is of course Julian’s own philosophic beard that gives the title to the pamphlet.” “This pamphlet was written in the seventh month of his sojourn at Antioch, probably the latter half of January.” (1. c. 364). Bp. J. Wordsworth in Dict. Ch. Biog. 3,507., 509.

1 The common proverbial saying, from Homer downwards; epi xurou istatai akmh" oleqro" he biwnai. Il. 10. 173).

2 Jovianus, son of Count Varronianus of Singidunum (Belgrade), was born in 330 or 331 and reigned from June 363 to February 364. His hasty acceptance by a part of the army may have been due to the mistake of the sound of “Jovianus Augustus” for that of “Julianus Augustus” and a belief that Julian survived. “Gentilitate enim prope perciti nominis, quod una littera discernebat, Julianum recreatum arbitrati sunt deduci magnis favoribus, ut solebat.” Amm. 25,5,6.

562 “Jovian was a brilliant colonel of the guards. In all the army there was not a goodlier person than he. Julian’s purple was too small for his gigantic limbs. But that stately form was animated by a spirit of Cowardly selfishness. Jovian was also a decided Christian,” but “even the heathen soldiers condemned his low amours and vulgar tippling.” Gwatkin, “Arian Controversy,” 119.

3 The terms were in fact humiliating, “pacem cum Sapore necessariam quidem sed ignobilem fecit; multatus finibus, ac nonnulla imperii Romani parte tradita: quod ante eum annis mille centum et duobus de viginti fere ex quo Romanum imperium conditum erat, nunquam accidit.” Eut. brev 10,17.

4 “Gibbon (Chap. xxv) sneers at Athanasius for assuring Jovian ‘that his orthodox faith would be rewarded with a long and peaceful reign,0’ and remarks that after his death this charge was omitted from some mss., referring to Valesius on the passage of Theodoret, and Jortin’s Remarks, 4,p. 38. But the expression is not that of a prophet who stakes his credit on the truth of his prediction, but little more than a pious reflection, of the nature of a wish.” Bp. J. Wordsworth, Dict. Christ. Biog. 3,463. n. Jortin says “the good bishop’s mantikh failed him sadly; and the emperor reigned only one year, and died in the flower of his age.” The note of Valesius will be found below.

5 Scarcely a prophecy, even if we read exei", “you shall keep;” a bare wish if we read ecoi", “may you keep.” Vide preceding note. In Athanasius we find exei". Valesius says “The latter part of this sentence is wanting in the common editions of Athanasius, and Baronius supposes it to have been added by some Arian, with the object of ridiculing Athanasius as a false prophet. As a fact the reign of Jovian was short. But I see nothing low, spurious or factitious. Athanasius is not in fault because Jovian did not live as long as he had wished.”

6 (
Ga 6,3).

7 Christianity thus appears more or less constituted in Britain more than 200 years before the mission of Augustine. But by about 208 the fame of British Christianity had reached Tertullian in Africa. The date, that of the first mention of the Church in Britain, Indicates a probable connexion of its foundation with the dispersion of the victims of the persecution of the Rhone cities. The phrase of Tertullian, “places beyond the reach of the Romans, but subdued to Christ,” points to a rapid spread into the remoter parts of the island. Vide Ap C. Hole’s “Early Missions,” S. P. C. K.

8 prokrima poiein.

9 “Tria" is either the number Three, or a triplet of similar objects, as in the phrase kasignhtwn tria" (Rost u. Palm’s Lexicon. s. 5,) In this sense it is applied by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. IV. 7,55) to the Triad of Christian graces, Faith, Hope, and Charity. As Gregory of Nazianzus says (Orat. 13,p. 24) Tria" ou pragmatwn aniswn apariqmhsi", allAE iswn kai omotimwn sullhyi". The first instance of its application to the Three Persons in the one God is in Theophilus of Antioch (Ad Autol. 2,15)” [†. c. 185] “Similarly the word Trinitas, in its proper force, means either the number Three or a triad. It is first applied to the mystery of the Three in One by Tertullian, who says that the Church ‘proprie et spiritualiter ipse est spiritus, in quo est Trinitas unius divinitatis, Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus.0’ De Pudicita 21.” [† c. 240] Archd. Cheetham. Dict. Christ. Biog. S. V.

10 cf. III. 8 page 99).

11 At an obscure place called Dadastanae, half way between Ancyra and Nicaea, after a hearty supper he went to bed in a room newly built. The plaster was still damp, and a brazier of charcoal was brought in to warm the air. In the morning he was found dead in his bed. (Amm. 25,10. 12. 13). This was in February or March, 364.

12 Vide page 101. “Valentinian belongs to the better class of Emperors. He was a soldier like Jovian, and held the same rank at his election. He was a decided Christian like Jovian, and, like him, free from the stain of persecution. Jovian’s rough good humour was replaced in Valentinian by a violent and sometimes cruel temper, but he had a sense of duty, and was free from Jovian’s vices.” Gwatkin, Arian Cont. 121.

563 13 “Valens was timid, suspicious, and slow, yet not ungentle in private life. He was as uncultivated as his brother, but not interior to him in scrupulous care for his subjects. He preferred remitting taxation to fighting at the head of the legions. In both wars he is entitled to head the series of financial rather than unwarlike sovereigns whose cautious policy brought the Eastern Empire safely through the great barbarian invasions of the fifth century.” Gwatkin, p. 121.

14 Vide note on page 81.

15 By the constitution of Constantine, beneath the governors of the twelve dioceses of the Empire were the provincial governors of 116 provinces, rectores, correctores, praesides, and consulares. Ambrosius had been appointed by Probus Consularis of Liguria and Aemilia. Probus, in giving him the appointment, was believed to have “prophested,” and said “Vade; age non ut judex, sed ut episcopus.” Paulinus S).

16 amuhto".

17 The twelve dioceses of the Empire, as constituted under Diocletian, were (1) Oxiens; (2) Pontica; (3) Asiana; (4) Thracia; (5) Moesia; (6) Pannonia; (7) Britanniae; (8) Galliae; (9) Viennensis; (10) Italiciana; (11) Hispaniae; (12) Africa.

18 Under Constantine Illyricum Occidentale included Dalmatia, Pannonia, Noricum, and Savia; Illyricum Orientale, Dacia, Moesia, Macedonia and Thrace.

19 Eldest son of Valentinian I. Born a.d. 359. Named Augustus 367 Succeeded his father 375; his uncle Valens 378. Murdered 383. The synod was convoked in the year of Valentinian’s death.

20 Phrygia Pacatiana was the name given in the fourth century to the province extending from Bithynia to Pamphylia. “Cum in veterum libris non nisi duae Phrygiae occurrant, Pacatiana et salutaris, mavult Valesius h. 50,scribere, karia" frugia" pakatianh". Sed consentientibus in vulgata lectione omnibus libris mallem servare karafrugia" pakatianh", quam Pacatianam karofrugian dictam esse putaverim quod Cariae proxime adhaeresceret.” Schulze.

21 The date of this Council is disputed. “Pagi contending for 373, others for 375, Cave for 367.” Dict. Ch. Ant. 1,813.

22 omoousion.

23 (
Mt 22

564 24 hmei" ecrhsameqa tw alfa ew" tou w umei" de eautou" apedwkate.

The passage is obscure and perhaps corrupt. Schulze’s note is “Nisi mendosus sit locus, quod quidem suspicabatur Camerarius, sensus tails esse videtur: ‘Nos quidem primis usi sumus ad extrema,0’ h.e. omnia adhibuimus et tentavimus ad pacem restituendam et cohibendas vexationes, ‘vos vero impotentiae obsecuti estis.0’ Alias interpretationes collegit suamque addidit Valesius.” The note of Valesius is as follows: hic locus valde obscurus est. Et Epiphanius quidera scholasticus its eum vertit: et nos quidera subjicimur ei qui primus est et novissimus: vos autem vobismet arrogatis. Quae interpretatio, meo quidem iudicio, ferri non potest. Camerarius vero sic interpretatur nos quidem ordine a primo ad ultimum processimus tractatione nostra: ipsi vero vosmet ipsos abalienastis. At Christophersonus ita vertit: nos patientia semper a principio usque ad finem usi sumus: vos contra animi vestri impotentiae obsecuti estis …mihi viderur verbum crhsqai hoc loco idem significari quod communicare et commercium habere. Cujus modi est illud in Evangelio: non coütuntur Judaei Samaritanis. (Johon IV. 9).

25 The turning to the East is not mentioned in the Gospel of St. Matthew or in the Apocryphal Ac of Pilate; and the Imperial Decree seems here to import a Christian practice into the pagan Procurators tribunal. Orientation was sometimes observed in Pagan temples anti the altar placed at the east end; perhaps in connexion with the ancient worship of the sun. cf. Aesch. Ag. 502; Paus. V. 23. i; Cic. Cat. 3,§43. In. Virg. Aen. 8,68 Aeneas turns to the East when he prays to the Tiber. cf. Liv 1. 18. But praying towards the East is specially a primitive Christian custom, among the earliest authorities being Tertullian (Apol. XVI). and Clemens Al. (Stromat. VII. 7).

26 Matthew 27,24.

27 “Locus densis,” says Valesius, “tenebris obvolutus” …The note of Schulze is “primum o parakeklhmeno" videtur malus genius esse (fqorimaio" daimwn postea dicitur) qui excitaverat (parekalese) episcopos ad dissentientes vexandos plane ut crudeles Judaei excitaverant Pilatum ut Christum interimerent; sic enim in superioribus Valentinianus dixerat. Porro Valent. non modo ad historiam Zachariae a Judaeis in templo interfecti alludit, sed, si quid video, etiam ad verba ea quibus utitur Paulus, He 10,29 ton uion tou Qeou katapatein kai to aima th" diaqhkh" koinon hghsasqai, quare placet conjectura Valesii patein” (the reading adopted in the translation above), “ta th" diaqhkh" autou w" epi tou Zacariou tou aimato", ut tota sententia sit: ne hodie sub nostro imperio increments capiatis et cum eo qui vos incitat conculcetis sanguinem foederis, fere ut Zacharioe tempore factum est a Judaeis.”

28 It is to be observed that the imperial letter does not add the probably interpolated words “son of Barachias” which are a difficulty in Mt 23,35, and do not appear in the Codex Sinaiticus.

29 Here for the first time in our author we meet with the word Hypostasis to denote each distinct person. Compare note on page 36. “Origen had already described Father, Son and Holy Spirit as three upostasei" or Beings, in opposition to the Monarchians, who saw in them only three modes of manifestation of one and the same Being. And as Sabellius had used the words tria proswpa for these modes of manifestation, this form of expression naturally fell into disfavour with the Catholics. But when Arius insisted on (virtually) three different hypostases in the Holy Trinity, Catholics began to avoid applying the word hypostases to the Persons of the Godhead. To this was added a difficulty arising from the fact, that the Eastern Church used Greek as the official language of its theology, while the Western Church used Latin, a language at that time much less well provided with abstract theological terms. Disputes were caused, says Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat. 21,p. 395), dia stenothta th" para toi" AEItaloi" glwtth" kai onomatwn penian. (Compare Seneca Epist. 58). The Latins used essentia and substantia as equivalent to the Greek ousia and upostasi", but interchanged them, as we have seen in the translation of the Nicene Creed with little scruple, regarding them as synonyms. They used both expressions to describe the Divine Nature common to the Three. It followed that they looked upon the expression “Three Hypostases” as implying a division of the substance of the Deity, and therefore as Arian. They preferred to speak of “tres Personae.” Athanasius also spoke of tria proswpa, and thus the words proswpa and Personae became current among the Nicene party. But about the year 360, the Neo-Nicene party, or Meletians, as they are sometimes called, became scrupulous about the use of such an expression as tria proswpa, which seemed to them to savour of Sabellianism. Thus a difference arose between the old Athanasian party and the Meletians.” Archd. Cheetham in Dict. Christ. Biog. Art. “Trinity.”

30 Compare note on page 72).

31 (
1Co 1,12,

32 The original is here obscure, and has been altered an dinterpreted in various ways.

33 ex autou tou ieratikou tagmato". It is noticeable that the word ieratikon is used here of the clerical order generally, inclusive of lower ranks, such as the readers, singers, doorkeepers and orphans enumerated in the Apostolic Constitutions from whom deacons and presbyters were to be appointed. For illustrations of the phrases ieratikh taxi" and ieratikon tagma vide Dict. Christ. Ant. ii. 1470. The exclusively sacrificial sense sometimes given to iereu" and sacerdos, with their correlatives, is modified by the fact that derivatively both only mean “the man concerned with the sacred.” (iero" = vigorous, divine. IS.; sacer = inviolate, holy, SAK, fasten; of the latter the suffix adds the idea of giver.

565 34 (Gn 1,26
35 Vide note on page 75.

36 (Mc 2,16, verbal inaccuracy of quotation.

37 Is: 65. 5. The Greek of the text is oi legonte" kaqaro" eimi, mh mou aptou outo" kapno" tou qumou mou. In the Sept. the passage stand oi legonte" porrw ap emou, mh eggish" moi oti kaqaro" eimi, etc. The O. T. is quoted as loosely as the New.

38 Anthropomorphism, or the attribution to God of a human form is the frequent result of an unintelligent anthropopathism, which ascribes to God human feelings. Paganism did not rise higher than the material view. Judaism, sometimes apparently anthropomorphic, taught a Spiritual God. Tertullian uses expressions which exposed him to the charge of anthropomorphism, and the Pseudo Clementines (xvii. 2) go farther. The Audaeus of the text appears to be the first founder of anything like an anthropomorphic sect.

39 The Syriac name whence comes “Messaliani” or “Massaliani” means praying people ylx;mÔ y al;x]

 Da 6,1 Epiphanius rendered the name eucomenoi, but they were soon generally known in Greek as euchtai or eucitai.

40 The form enqousiasth" is ecclesiastical, and late Greek, but the verb enqousiazein occurs at least as early as Aeschylus. (FR 64).

41 Compare Jn 6,54 and Jn 6,51; the citation as before is inexact.

42 Melitine (Malatia). metropolis of lesser Armenia; the scene of the defeat of Chosroes Nushirvan by the Romans a.d. 577.

43 Archbishop of Iconium, the friend of Basil and first cousin of Gregory of Nazianzus, B. probably about 344. He is not mentioned after the beginning of the 5th century.

566 44 cf. 2,19, and 4,22. He was not consecrated bishop until 381).

45 Valens was baptized in 368.

46 Albia Dominica.

47 The use of the word baptized for submerged is significant. Polyb. 1: 51. 6 uses it of sinking a ship. It first appears with the technical sense of baptized in the Evangelists.

48 Present at Antioch in 363; banished to Arabia in 367. Present at Constantinople in 381).

49 Samosata, the capital of Commagene on the Euphrates, is of interest as the birthplace of Lucian (c. 120) as well as the see of this Eusebius, the valued friend of Basil and of Gregory of Nazianzus. We shall find him mentioned again 5,4.

50 Zeugma was on the right bank of the Euphrates, nearly opposite the ancient Apamea and Seleucia and the modern Biredjik. The name is derived from the “Zeugma” or Bridge of Boats built here by Alexander. Strabo 16,2. 3.

51 Titus, 3,1).

52 Jovinus was a friend of Basil (
Ep 118) as well as of Eusebius of Samosata.

Perrha, a town of Euphratensis, is more likely to have been his see than the Perga of the commoner reading.

53 An island off the coast of Phoenicia; now Ruad. The town on the opposite mainland was Antaradus.

567 54 Oxyrynchus on the Nile, at or near the modern Behnese (?) was so called because the inhabitants worshipped the “sharpsnout,” or pike. Strabo 17,1. 40).

55 Antinoopolis, now Enseneh on the right bank of the Nile.

56 The manuscripts here vary considerably).

57 Eulogius was at Rome in 369, at Antioch in 379, and Constantinople in 381.

58 Charrae, now Harran, in Mesopotamia, on the point of divergence of the main caravan routes, is the Haran to which Terah travelled from Orfah. It was afterwards made famous by the defeat of the Romans in b.c. 53, when

“miserando funere Crassus,

“Assyrias Latio maculavit sanguine Carras.”

Lucan. 1. 104.

59 Caesarea Ad Argaeum (now Kasaria) at the foot of Mount Argaeus, was made a Roman province by Tiberius a.d. 18. The progress of Valens had hitherto been successful, and the Catholic cause was endangered. Bithynia had been coerced, and the mobile Galatians had given in. “The fate of Cappadocia depended on Basil.” cf. Dict. Ch. Biog. 1,289.

60 Galates. cf. Soc. 4,26.

61 Dominica. cf. Soc. 4,26).

568 62 If this Demosthenes “is the same person with the Demosthenes who four years later held the office of vicar of Pontus we have in him one of the many examples presented by the history of the Eastern empire of the manner in which base arts raised the meanest persons to the highest dignities.” Dict. Chris. Biog. s. 5,But the chief cook may have been a high functionary like the chief baker at the court of the Pharaohs or the Lord High Steward at that of St. James’s. Of the elevation of a menial to power many parallels may be found. Demosthenes of Pontus afterwards became a partisan of the Semi-arians and accused Basil’s brother, Gregory of Nyssa, of dishonesty. Basil. Epist. 264, 385, 405.

63 stoiceion is a simple sound of the voice as distinguished from gramma, a letter.

64 “The discussions about the year of his death may be considered as practically closed; the Festal Index, although its chronology is sometimes faulty, confirming the date of 373, given in the Maffeian fragment. The exact day, we may believe, was Thursdays May 2, on which day of the month Athanasius is venerated in the Western Church. He had sat on the Alexandrian throne forty-six complete years. He died tranquilly in his own house.” Canon Bright in Dict. Christ. Biog. S. V.

65 The church Theonas, where Syrianus nearly seized Athanasius in 356).

66 There are traces of some confusion about the saints and solitaries of this name at this period. “There were two hermits or monks of this name both of the 4th c., both living in Egypt, whose character and deeds are almost indistinguishable.” “One of them is said to have been the disciple of Anthony, and the master of Evagrius.” “The name of Macarius, like a double star, shines as a central light in the monkish history, and is enshrined alike in the Roman martyrologies, and in the legends of the Greek church. Macarius is a favourite saint in Russia.” (Canon Fremantle, Dict. Christ. Biog. 3,774). cf. Soc. 4,23. In 4,21 Soc. describes both the Macarii as banished to the island “which had not a single Christian inhabitant.” Sozomen (vi. 20) has the same story.

There was an Isidorus, bishop of Cyrus in 378, mentioned by Theodoretus in his Religious History (1143), and an Isidorus, bishop of Athribis in Egypt. cf. Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v. But the Isidorus of the text appears to have been a monk.

67 (Ac 16,16, where the reading pneuma puqwna recommended on the overwhelming authority of a

ABCD is adopted by the R. V., and rendered in the margin “a spirit, a python.” In the text it is to pneuma tou puqwno".

68 eqniko", “foreigner” a “gentile.” Another common term for “heathen” in ecclesiastical Greek is Ellh[, but neither “Gentile” nor “Greek” expresses the required sense so well as “Heathen,” which, like the cognate “Pagan,” simply denotes a countryman and villager, and marks the age when Christianity was found to be mainly in towns).

69 Vide note on page 120.

70 (Ep 5,xii.

71 Romans 9,22.

569 72 (Jl 1,2 Jl 1,

73 I adopt the reading stibh for stimmi. cf. Ez. xxiii. 40 (Sept).). estibizon tou" ofqalmou" sou.

74 cf. Greg. Naz. Orat. 25,12. p. 464 Ed. Migne.

75 cf. Soc. 21.

76 Observe the pun.

77 On the subject of episcopal election, vide Dict. Christ. Biog. lv. 335.

78 o twn komhtathsiwn de largitionwn komh". Valesius says, “thesauri principis, qui vulgo sacrae largitiones dicebantur, alii erant per singulas dioeceses quibus proeerant comites. Alii erant in comitatu una cum principe, qui comitatenses largitiones dice-bantur. His praeerat comes largitionum comitatensium.”

79 Beyrout, between the ancient Byblus and Sidon. Near here St. George killed the dragon, according to the legend. Our patron saint’s dragon does not seem to have been, as may possibly have been the case in some similar stories a surviving Saurian, but simply a materialization of some picture of George vanquishing the old dragon, the Devil).

80 (Ps 14,1 Ps 14, Sept. reads Eipen afrwn en kardia autou ouk esti Qeo", which admits of the translation “He is not God.”

81 (1Co 4,9 1Co 4,

82 In Coele Syria, near the sources of the Orontes, where the ruins of the temple of the sun built by Autoninus Pius are known by the modern equivalent of the older title — Baal-Bek. “the city of the sun.”

570 83 (Jr 2,12 Jr 2, V. “Be astonished, O ye heavens.” But in Sept. as in text exesth o ourano" epi toutw.

84 (Is 1 Is 2
85 Here the obvious sense of deisidaimonwn matches the “superstitious” of A. V. in Ac 17. 22.

86 Valesius identifies Phennesus with Phynon in Arabia Petraea, now Tafileh.

87 The island of Marmara in the sea of that name.

88 The Roman “Flagellum” was a frightful instrument of torture, and is distinguished from the “scutica,” or whip, and “virga,” or rod. It was knotted with bones and bits of metal; and sometimes ended in a hook. Horace (Sat. 1. iii, 119) calls it “horribile.”

89 ct. Soph. Ant. 30, Where the corpse of Polyneikes is described as left

—“ unwept unsepulchred

A prize full rich for birds.” (Plumptre).

Christian sentiment is still affected by the horror felt by the Greeks at deprivation of the rites of burial which finds striking expression in the dispute between Teucer and Menelaos about the burial of Ajax.

90 (Ex 12,30 Ex 12,

571 91 I. Peter 5,8.

92 Now Sefurieh, anciently Sepphoris; an unimportant place till erected by Herod Antipas into the capital of Galilee.

93 Proverbs 27,20.

94 Now Niksar, on the river Lykus, the scene of two councils; (i)). a.d. 315, when the first canon ordered every priest to forfeit his orders on marriage (Mansi 2,539) (ii)). a.d. 350, when Eustathius of Sebaste was condemned (Mansi, 3,291).

95 cf. Soz. vi. 38, and Soc. 4,36.

96 The word used is ceirotonia, of which it is well to trace the varying usages. These are given by the late Ap E. Hatch (Dict. Christ. Ant. 2,1501) as follows. "This word is used (a) in the N. T. Ac xiv, 24, ceirotonhsante" de autoi" katAE ekklhsian presbuterou": I1Co 8,19 (of Titus) ceirotonhqei" upo twn ekklhsiwn; (b) in sub-apostolic Greek, Ignat. ad Philad. c. 10; (c) in the Clementines, Clement. Ep. ad Jacob. c. 2; (d) in the Apostolical Constitution; (e) in the Canon Law; (f) in the Civil Law. Its meaning was originally “to

97 i.e. about 375. elect,” but it came afterwards to mean even in classical Greek, simply “to appoint to office,” without itself indicating the particular mode of appointment (cf. Schomann de Comitus, p. 122). That the latter was its ordinary meaning in Hellenistic Greek, and consequently in the first ages of church history, is clear from a large number of instances; e.g. in Josephus 6,13, 9, it is used of the appointment of David as King by God; id. xiii, 22, of the appointment of Jonathan as High Priest by Alexander; in Philo ii, 76 it is used of the appointment of Joseph as governor by Pharaoh; in Lucian, de morte Peregrini c. 41 of the appointment of ambassadors. “In Sozomen vii, 24 of the appointment of Arcadius as Augustus by Theodosius.” “In later times a new connotation appears of which there is no early trace; it was used of the stretching out of the bishop’s hands in the rite of imposition of hands.” The writer of the above seems hardly to do justice to its early use for ordination as well as for appointment. In the Pseudo-Ig. ad. Her. c. iii, it is said of bishops ekeinoi ceirotonousi, ceiroqetousi and Bp. Lightfoot comments “while ceiroqesia is used of laying on of hands, e.g. in confirmation, ceirotonia is said of ordination, e.g. Ap. Const. 8,27. ‘episkopo" upo triwn h duo episkopwn ceirotoneisqw.0’ Referring originally to the election of the Clergy ceirotonia came afterwards to be applied commonly, as here, to their ordination.” Theodoretus uses the word in both senses, and sometimes either will fit in with the context.

98 Sozomen (vi. 38) describes Lucius as remonstrating in moderate language. “Do not judge of me before you know what my creed is.” Socrates (iv. 36) makes Moses charge Lucius with condemning the orthodox to exile, beasts, and burning. On Socrates Valesius annotates “Hanc narrationem de episcopo Saracenis dato et de pace cum iisdem facta, desumpsit quidera Socrates, ex Rufini lib. 2,6.” Lucius was ejected from Alexandria when the reign of Valens ended with his death in 378. Theodoretus appears to confound this Lucius with an Arian Lucius who usurped the see of Samosata. Vide chap. xviii.

99 Psalm cxxxvii.

100 Psalm 103,22.

101 cf. “Virtus sola nobilitas.”

572 102 Diodorus was now a presbyter. Chrysost. (Laus Diodori §4. tom. 3,p. 749) describes how the whole city assembled and were fed by his tongue flowing with milk and honey, themselves meanwhile supplying his necessities with their gifts. Valens retorted with redoubled violence, and anticipated the “noyades” of Carrier at Lyons. cf. Socrates 4,17 and Dict. Christ. Biog. 2,529.

103 The five contests of the complete athlete are summed up in the line

alma, podwkeihn, diskon, akonta, palhn.

104 Relig. Hist. viii.

105 The word Sisura was used for a common upper garment, but according to the grammarian Tzetzes (Schol. Ad. Lyc. 634) its accurate meaning is the one given in the text).

106 A monk of Gindarus near Antioch (Theod. Vit. Pat. ii). afterward envoy from the Syrian churches to Rome, and Bishop of Beroea, (Aleppo) a.d. 378. He was at Constantinople in 381, (cf. 5,8). and is famous for his opposition to Chrysostom.

107 Julianus Sabas (i.e. Abba) an ascetic solitary of Osrhoëne, the district south of the modern Horton. He is the second of the saints of Theodoret’s “Religious History,” where we read that he lived on millet bread, which he ate once a week, and performed various miracles, which are recorded by Theodoret on the authority of Acacius.

108 Antonius, St. Anthony, the illustrious and illiterate ascetics friend and correspondent of Constantine (Soc. 1,13), the centre of many wild legends, was born in 250 a.d. in upper Egypt. Athanasius calls him the “founder of Asceticism.” In 335 he revisited Alexandria to oppose the Arians, as narrates in the text. He died in his cell in 355, bequeathing his “hair shirt. his two woollen tunics, and his bed, among Amathas and Macarius who watched his last hours, Serapion, and Athanasius.”

Vide Ath. Vit. S. Ant.

109 i.e. the district round Chalcis in Syria, to be distinguished from the Macedonian Chalcidice.

110 Native of Theodoret’s see of Cyrus. He built himself a cell like the “Little Ease” of the Tower of London, and promoted orthodoxy by the influence of his austerities. †c. 385. cf. Tillemont, viii. 483.

573 111 A. went on missionary journeys disguised as a pedlar, and eventually unwillingly became bishop of Carrae. Theod. Relig. Hist. 3.

112 Presumably Apamea ad Orontem. (Famiah).

113 Bishop of Apamea, a comrade and disciple of Marcianus. (Relig. Hist. iii).

114 Also a disciple of Marcian. For fifty years he maintained a school of ascetic philosophy. cf. Chrysost. Ep. 55. and Tillemont. 9,304. Apparently not the same as Simeones Priscus of Relig. Hist. vi.

115 i.e. near Zeugma, on the Euphrates, opposite Apamea.

116 vide Relig. Hist. 5,

117 i.e. round Theodoret’s see of Cyrus.

118 Uncle of Eusebius, a “faithful servant of God.” Relig. Hist. iv.

119 Relig. Hist. 4,Abbot of Mt. Coryphe nephew of Marianus. He chained his neck to his girdle that he might be compelled to violate the prerogative of his manhood (cf. Ovid. Met 1,85) and keep his eyes on the ground.

120 Vide Relig. Hist. 4,He had a monastery near Antioch.

121 Relig. Hist. 7,

574 122 cf. the Symeones Priscus of Relig. Hist vi.

123 The disciple of Ephrem Syrus. Vide Soz. 3,16, and Ep Syr. Act. S. Abraam).

124 Born at Rhosus. His life is given in Relig. Hist. xi.

125 Relig. Hist. 12,He lived “without bed, lamp, fire, pitcher, pot, box, or book, or anything.”

126 Met in his old age by Jerome, to whom he told the story of his life. Born at Edessa, he ended his days at Maronia, near Antioch. Vide Jr vita Malchi.

127 Flourished c. 309–399. Blind from the age of four, he educated himself with marvellous patience, and was placed by Athauasius at the head of the catechetical school of Alexandria. Jerome called him his teacher and seer and translated his Treatise on the Holy Spirit. Jr de Vir. Illust. 109.

128 “paideia" AEEllhnikh".” His ignorance of languages weakens the force of his dialectic and illustrations. Vid. Dict. Christ. Biog: s. 5,

129 Harmonius wrote about the end of the 2nd century, both in Greek and in Syriac. cf. Theod. Haeret. Fabul. Compend. 1,22, where he is said to have learned Greek at Athens.

130 Bardesanes, or Bar Daisan, the great Syrian gnostic, was born in 155. cf. the prologue to the “Dialogues.”

131 Gregorius of Nazianzus (in Cappadocia, on the Halys) was so called not as bishop of Nazianzus. He was bishop successively of Sasima, “a detestable little village,” — (Carm. xi. 439–446) — and of Constantinople, and was called “Nazianzenus” because his father and namesake was bishop of that see. On his acting as bishop at Nazianzus after his withdrawal from Constantinople, vide note on page 136.

132 A younger brother of Basil, bishop of Caesarea, born about 335; he was bishop of Nyssa, an obscure town of Cappadocia, from 372 to 395. Their parents were Basil, an advocate and Emmelia. Petrus, the youngest of ten children, was bishop of Sebaste.

575 133 Bishop of Antioch in Pisidia; was present at Constantinople in 381. He was a witness to the will of Gregory of Nazianzus.

134 Vide note on p. 114.

135 Vide note on p. 82).

136 On this Valesius remarks that Valentinian was already dead († 375) when the Goths crossed the Danube and ravaged Thrace (376). Theodoretus should have written “Gratianus” for “Valentinianus,” and “nephew” for “brother.”

137 Magister equitum. Amm. 31,7.

138 Gibbon (chap. xxvi) records the conduct of the war by “Trajan and Profuturus, two generals who indulged themselves in a very false and favourable opinion of their own abilities.” “Anhelantes altius. sed imbelles.” Amm.

The battle alluded to is presumably the doubtful one of Salices. Ammianus does not, as Gibbon supposes, imply that he had himself visited this particular battlefield, but speaks generally of carrion birds as “adsuetae illo tempore cadaveribus pasci, ut indicant nunc usque albentes ossibus campi.” Amm. 31,7. 16.

139 Possibly the Isaac who opposed Chrysostom. Soz. 8,9.

140 (
Ac 9,5 Ac 9,

141 Psalm 119,46. The text quotes the Sept). elaloun en toi" marturioi" sou enantion basilewn kai ouk hscunomhn.

142 "On the 9th August, 378, a day long and fatally memorable in the annals of the empire, the legions of Valens moved forth from their entrenched camp under the walls of Hadrian. ople, and after a march of eight miles under the hot sun of August came in sight of the barbarian vanguard, behind which stretched the circling line of the waggons that guarded the Gothic host. The soldiers of the empire, hot, thirsty, wearied out with hours of waiting under the blaze of an August sun, and only half understanding that the negotiations were ended and the battle begun, fought at a terrible disadvantage but fought not ill. The infantry on the left wing seem even to have pushed back their enemies and penetrated to the Gothic waggons. But they were for some reason not covered as usual by a force of cavalry and they were jammed into a too narrow space of ground where they could not use their spears with effect, yet presented a terribly easy mark to the Gothic arrows. They fell in dense masses as they had stood. Then the whole weight of the enemy’s attack was directed against the centre and right. When the evening began to close in, the utterly routed Roman soldiers were rushing in disorderly flight from the fatal field. The night, dark and moonless, may have protected some, but more met their death rushing blindly over a rugged and unknown country.

576 "Meanwhile Valens had sought shelterwith a little knot of soldiers (the two regiments of “Lancearii and Mattiarii”), who still remained unmoved amidst the surging sea of ruin. When their ranks too were broken, and when some of his bravest officers. had fallen around him, he joined the common soldiers in their headlon flight. Struck by a Gothic arrow he fell to the ground, but was carried off by some of the eunuchs and life-guardsmen who still accompanied him, to a peasant’s cottage hard by. The Goths, ignorant of his rank, but eager to strip the gaily-clothed guardsmen, surrounded the cottage and attempted in vain to burst in the doors. Then mounting to the roof they tried to smoke out the imprisoned inmates, but succeeding beyond their desires, set fire to the cottage, and emperor, eunuchs, and life-guardsmen perished in the flames. Only one of the body-guard escaped, who climbed out through one of the blazing windows and fell into the hands of the barbarians. He told them when it was too late what a prize they had missed in their cruel eagerness, nothing less than the emperor of Rome.

Ecclesiastical historians for generations delighted to point the moral of the story of Valens, that he who had seduced the whole Gothic nation into the heresy of Arius, and thus caused them to suffer the punishment of everlasting fire, was himself by those very Goths burned alive on the terrible 9th of August. Thomas Hodgkin — “The Dynasty of Theodosius,” page 97.

143 Christianity is first found among the Goths and some German tribes on the Rhine about a.d. 300, the Visigoths taking the lead, and being followed by the Ostrogoths. They were converted under Arian influences, and simply accepted an Arian creed. So Salvian writes of them with singular charity, in a passage partly quoted by Milman (Lat. Christ.
1P 349). “Haeretici sunt sed non scientes. Denique apud nos sunt haeretici, apud se non sunt. Nam in tantum se catholicos esse judicant ut nos ipsos titulo haereticae appellationis infament. Quod ergo illi nobis sunt, hoc nos illis. Nos eos injuriam divinae generationis facere certi sumus quod minorem patre filium dicant. Illi nos injuriosos patri existimant, quia aequales esse credamus. Veritas spud nos est. Sed illi spud se esse proesumunt. Honor Dei apud nos est, sed illi hoc arbitrantur honorem divinitatis esse quod credunt. Inofficiosi sunt; sed illis hoc est summum religionis officium. Impii sunt; sed hoc putant veram esse pietatem. Errant ergo, sed bono animo errant, non odio, sed affectu Dei, honorare se dominum atque amare credentes.” (Salvianus de Gub. Dei V. p. 87). The spirit of this good Presbyter of Marseilles of the 5th century might well have been more often followed in Christian controversy.

“Of the early Arian missionaries the Arian Records, if they ever existed, have almost entirely perished. The church was either ignorant of or disdained to preserve their memory. Ulphilas alone,” — himself a semi-Arian, and accepter of the creed of Ariminum,—“the apostle of the Goths, has, as it were, forced his way into the Catholic records, in which, as in the fragments of his great work, his translation of the Scriptures into the Moeso-Gothic language, this admirable man has descended to posterity.” “While in these two great divisions, the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, the nation gathering its descendants from all quarters, spread their more or less rapid conquests over Gaul, Italy, and Spain Ulphilas formed a peaceful and populous colony of shepherds and herdsmen on the pastures below Mt. Haemus. He became the primate of a simple Christian nation. For them he formed an alphabet of twenty-four letters, and completed all but the fierce books of Kings”—which he omitted, as likely to whet his wild folks’ warlike passions, — “his translation of the Scriptures.” Milman Lat. Christ. III. Chap. ii.

The fragments of the work of Ulphilas now extant are (1) Codex Argenteus, at Upsala. (2) Codex Catolinus. (3) Ambrosian fragments published by Mai. cf. Philost. 2,5, Soc. 2,41 and 4,33.

On Eudoxius, who baptized Valens, and was “the worst of the Arians,” cf. note on page 86).

1 Gratian was proclaimed Augustus by Valentinian in 367. (Soc. IV. 11. Soz. 6,10). He came to the throne on the death of Valentinian at Bregetio, Nov. 17, 375. He associated his brother Valentinian II. with him, and succeeded his uncle Valens Aug. 9, 378. On Jan. 19, 379 he nominated Theodosius Augustus.

2 Cf. note on page 82.

3 to th" oikonomia" musthrion. Vide note on page 72.

4 Adopting Platonic and Pauline psychology giving body, soul and spirit (cf. I. Thess. 5,23, and Ga 5,17) Apollinarius attributed to Christ a human body and a human soul or anima animans shared by man with brutes, but not the reasonable soul, spirit or anima rationalis. In place of this be put the Divine Logos. The Word, he said, was made Flesh not Spirit, God was manifest in the Flesh not Spirit).

5 trei" upostasei".

6 cf. page 93.

577 7 Vide pages 85 and 126.

8 Ad Orentem, now Famiah. This Jn was prefect at Constantinople in 381. A better known Jn of Apamea is an ascetic of the 5th c., fragments of whose works are among the Syriac mss. in the British Museum).

9 This seems to be all that is known of Stephanus of Germanicia (now Marash or Banicia in Syria) mentioned also as the see of Eudoxius. cf. Book II. p. 86.

10 Acacius of Beroea (Aleppo) was later an opponent of Chrysostom and of Cyril, but in his old age of more than 100 in 436.

11 Theodotus is mentioned also in the Relig. Hist. c. 3,as paying an Easter visit to the hermit Marcian. Hierapolis, or Bambyce, is now Bumbouch in the Pachalic of Aleppo.

12 Similarly mentioned in Relig. Hist. c. 3,Chalcis is in Coele Syria.

13 Also one of Marcian’s Easter party. As well as these bishops there were present some men of high rank and position, who were earnest Christians. When all were seated, Marcian was asked to address them. “But he fethced a deep sigh and said ‘the God of all day by day utters his voice by means of the visible world, and in the divine scriptures discourses with us, urging on us our duties, telling us what is befitting, terrifying us by threats, winning us by promises, and all the while we get no good. Marcian turns away this good like the rest of his kind, and does not care to enjoy its blessing. What could be the use of his lifting up his voice?0’” Relig. Hist. 3,3.

14 Vide Book 4,15. p, 118.

15 Vide Book 4,15. p, 118.

16 Doliche is in Commagene.

17 (
Lc 23,34 Lc 23,

578 18 (Ac 7,59 Ac 7,

19 The Martyrdom of Eusebius is commemorated in the Eastern Churches on June 22; in the Roman Kalendar on June 21.

We compare the fate of Abimelech at Thebez (Judges 9,53, and II. Sam. 11,21) and Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, at Argos, b.c. 272. “Inter confertissimos violentissime dimicans, saxo de muris ictus occiditur.” Justin. 25,5. The story is given at greater length by Plutarch. Vit: Pyrrh:

20 His father, a distinguished general in Britain and elsewhere, was treacherously slain in 376, probably because an oracle warned Valens of a successor with a name beginning “QEOD.” cf. Soc. iv. 19. Soz. 6,35. Ammian. 29,I. 29.

21 At his paternal estate at Cauca in Spain; to the cast of the Vaccaei in Tarraconensis.

22 ceirotonhsa". Vide note on page 125).

23 Theodoret’s is the sole authority for this connexion of the association of Theodosius in the Empire with a victory, and his alleged facts do not fit in with others which are better supported. Gratian, a vigorous and sensible lad of nineteen, seems to have felt that the burden was too big for his shoulders, and to have looked out for a suitable colleague. For the choice which he made, or was advised to make, he had good ground in the reputation already won by Theodosius in Britain and in the campaign of 373 against the Sarmatians and Quadi, and the elevation of the young general (born in 346, he was thirty two when Gratian declared him Augustus at Sirmium, Jan. 19, 379) was speedily vindicated. Theodoret, with his contempt for exact chronology, may have exaggerated one of the engagements of the guerrilla warfare waged by the new emperor after his accession, when he carefully avoided the error of Valens in risking all on a pitched battle. By the end of 379 he had driven the barbarians over the Balkan range. Dr. Stokes (Dict. Christ. Biog. 4,960) points out that between Aug. 9, 378, and Jan. 19, 379, there was no time for news to travel from Hadrianople to Mitrovitz, where Gratian was, for couriers to fetch Theodosius thither from remoter Spain, for Theodosius then in the winter months to organize and carry out a campaign.

24 “Cave credas episcopum Nazianzi his verbis designari,” says Valesius; — because before 381 the great Gregory of Nazianzus had at the most first helped his father in looking after the church at Nazianzus, and on his father’s death taken temporary and apparently informal charge of the see. But in the latter part of his note Valesius suggest that ta teleutaia may refer to the episcopate of Gregory at Nazianzus in his last days, after his abdication of the see of Constantinople,—“Atque hic sensus magis placet, magis enim convenire videtur verbis Theodoreti;” “Recent feeder,” then, or “he who most recently fed,” will mean “he who after the events at Constantinople which I am about to relate, acted as bishop of Nazianzus.” Gregory left Constantinople in June 381, repaired to Nazianzus, and after finding a suitable man to occupy the see, retired to Arianzus, but was pressed to return and take a leading post in order to check Apollinariuan heretics. His health broke down, and he wished to retire. He would have voted in the election of his successor, but his opponents objected on the ground that he either was bishop of Nazianzus, or not; if he was, there was no vacancy; if he was not, he had no vote. Eulalius was chosen in 383, and Gregory spent six weary years in wanderings and troubles, and at last found in rest in 389.

25 It was probably in 379 that Gregory first went to Constantinople and preached in a private house which was to him a “Shiloh, where the ark rested, an Anastasia, a place of resurrection” (Orat. 42. 6). Hence the name “Anastasia” given to the famous church built on the site of the too strait house.

26 i.e. the xvth of Nacaea, forbidding any bishop, presbyter or deacon, to pass form one city to another. Gregory himself classes it among “Nomou" palai teqnhkota"” (Carm. 1810–11).

27 Gregory had been practically acting as bishop, when an intriguing party led by Peter of Alexandria tried to force Maximus, a cynic professor, who was one of Gregory’s admiring hearers, on the Constantinopolitan Church. “At this time,” i.e. probably in the middle of 380, and certainly before Nov. 24, when Theodosius entered the capital, “A priest from Thasco had come to Constantinople with a large sum of money to buy Proconnesian marble for a church. He too was beguiled by the specious hope held out to him. Maximus and his party thus gained the power of purchasing the service of a mob, which was as forward to attack Gregory as it had been to praise him. It was night, and the bishop was ill in bed, when Maximus with his followers went to the church to be consecrated by five suffragans who had been sent from Alexandria for the purpose. Day began to dawn while they were till preparing for the consecration. They had but half finished the tonsure of the cynic philosopher, who wore the flowing hair common to his sect, when a mob, excited by the sudden news, rushed in upon them, and drove them from the church. They retired to a flute player’s shop to complete their work, and Maximus, compelled to flee from Constantinople, went to Thessalonica with the hope of gaining over Theodosius himself.” Archdeacon Watkins. Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 752.

579 28 Helladius, successor or Basil at the Cappadocian Caesarea, was orthodox, but on important occasions clashed unhappily with each of the two great Gregories of Nyssa and Nazianzus.

On Gregorius of Nyssa and Petrus his brother, vide page 129. Amphilochius, vide note on page 114. Optimus, vide note on page 129. Diodorus, vide note on pages 85, 156 and 133.

29 cf. note on Chap. 4,12, page 115.

30 cf. note on 4,15, page 119.

31 Of Beroea, vide page 128.

32 i.e. of Cyrus, cf. p. 134.

33 For fragments of his writings vide Dial. 1,and 3,

34 (
Ga 6,17 Ga 6,

35 (1Co 4,8 1Co 4,

36 (Ps lv. 6).

37 upostasesi.

38 proswpoi".

39 (Ac xi, 26.

580 40 Vide note on p. 53.

41 (
1Co 1,12).

42 This rendering seems the sense of the somewhat awkward Greek of the text, and obviates the necessity of adopting Valesius’ conjecture that the “nobis” of the original Latin had been altered by a clerical error into “vobis.” If we read nobis, we may translate “you shew it in no niggard measure to ourselves.”

43 (Ga 1,8 Ga 1,

44 Photinus, the disciple of Marcellus of Ancyra, was condemned at the synod of Sirmium in 349. Dict. Christ. Ant. (“Sirmium, Councils of.”) Sulpicius Severus writes (II. 52) “Photinus vero novam haeresim jam ante protulerat, a Sabellio quidem in unione dissentiens, sed intium Christi ex Maria praedicabat.”

45 Vide note on Apollinarius, p. 132.

46 (Jn 3,13 Jn 3,

47 (Ph 2,7 Ph 2,

48 Coloss. 1,18. Ap 1,5.

49 Valesius supposes the Greek translator to have read Deum verbum for Deum vernum, which is found in Col Rom., and which I have followed.

50 Latin, “Omnia quae sunt salvanda salvantes.”

581 51 Qeon ena en trisin ipostasesin. The last three words are wanting in the Latin version).

52 Gratianus made himself unpopular (i) by his excessive adiction to sport, playing the Commodus in the “Vivaria,” when not even a Marcus Aurelius could have answered all the calls of the Empire. (Amm. 31,10,19) and (ii) by affecting the society and customs of barbarians (Aur. Vict. 47,6). The troops in Britain rose against him, gathered aid in the Low Countries, and defeated him near Paris. He fled to Lyons, where he was treacherously assassinated Aug. 25, 383. He was only twenty-four. (Soc. 5,II).

53 Valentinianus II., son of Valentinianus I. and Justina was born c. 371.

54 Magnus Maximus reigned from 383 to 388. Like Theodosius, he was a Spaniard.

55 Justina, left widow by Magnentius in 353, was married to Valentinian I. (we may dismiss the story of Socrates (iv. 31) that he legalized bigamy in order to marry her in the lifetime of Severa) probably in 368. Her first conflict with Ambrose was probably in 380 at Sirmium. On the murder of Gratian in 383 Maximus for four years left the young Valentinian in possession of Italy, in deference to the pleading of Ambrose. It was during this period, at Easter, 385, that Justina ungratefully attacked the bishop and demanded a church for Arian worship.

56 This contest is described by Ambrose himself in letters to Valentinian and to his sister Marcellina, Epp. 20,xxi, and in the “Sermo de basilicis tradendis.” On the apparent error of Gibbon in confusing the “vela” which were hung outside a building to mark it as claimed for the imperial property, with the state hangings of the emperor’s seat inside, vide Dict. Christ. Biog. 1,95.

57 After Easter, 387.

58 The motives here stated seem to have had little to do with the march of Maximus over the Alps. Indeed so far from enthusiasm for Ambrose and the Ambrosian view of the faith being conspicuous in the invader, he had received the bishop at Treves as envoy from Valentinina, had refused to be diverted from his purpose, and had moveover taken offence at the objection of Ambrose to communicate with the bishops who had been concerned in the first capital punishment of a heretic — i.e. Priscillian).

59 Valentinian and his mother fled to Thessalonica.

60 Zosimus (iv. 44) represents Theodosius, now for two years widowed, as won over to the cause of Valentinian by the loveliness of the young princess Galla, whom he married.

“He was some time in preparing for the campaign, but, when it was opened, he conducted it with vigour and decision. His troops passed up the Save Valley, defeated those of Maximus in two engagements, entered Aemona (Laybach) in triumph, and soon stood before the walls of Aquileia, behind which Maximus was sheltering himself. …The soldiers of Theodosius poured into the city, of which the gates had been opened to them by the mutineers, and dragged off the usurper, barefooted, with tied hands, in slave’s attire, to the tribunal of Theodosius and his young brother in law at the third milestone from the city. After Theodosius had in a short harangue reproached him with the evil deeds which he had wrought against the Roman Commonwealth, he handed him over to the executioner.” Hodgkin, “Dynasty of Theodosius,” p. 127.

582 61 Arcadius was declared Augustus early in 383 (Clinton Fast. Rome, 1P 504). Theodosius issued his edict against the heretics in September of same year. Sozomen (7. 6) tells the story of an anonymous old man, priest of an obscure city, simple and unworldly; “this,” remarks Bishop Lightfoot (Dic. Christ. Biog. 1,106), “is as unlike Amphilochius as it can possibly be.”

62 “agreuwn.” cf. Mc xii. 13.

63 “Irasci sane rebus indignis, sed flecti cito.” Aur. Vict. xlviii).

64 “Botheric, the Gothic general, shut up in prison a certain scoundrel of a charioteer who had vilely insulted him. At the next races the mob of Thessalonica tumultuously demanded the charioteer’s liberation and when Botheric refused rose in insurrection and slew both him and several magistrates of the City.” Hodgkin 121. This was in 390.

65 A well-known picture of Vandyke in the National Gallery, a copy with some variations of a larger picture at Vienna by Rubens, represents the famous scene of the excommunication of Theodosius.

66 “magistro",” i.e. “magister officiorum.”

67 (Mt 18,18 Mt 18, its primary sense the binding and loosing of the Gospels is of course the binding and loosing of the great Jewish schools, i. and permission. The moral and spiritual binding and loosing of the scribe, to whom key was given as symbol of his authority to open the treasures of divine lore, has already in the time of Theodoret become the dooming or acquitting of Janitor commanding the gate of more material heaven).

68 Valesius says that this “house of salutation” according to Scaliger was the episcopal hospitium or guest quarters. His own opinion however is that it was the audience chamber or chapter-house of the church where the bishop with his presbyters received the faithful whom came to his church.

69 (Ps 119,25 Ps 119,

70 twn anaktorwn. Anaktoron in classical Greek = temple or shrine. e.g. Eur. And. 43 “Qetido" anaktoron.” Archd. Cheetham (Dict. Christ. Aut. 1,79), quoting Lobeck, says “also the innermost recess of a temple.” Eusebius (Orat. ix) uses it of the great church built by Constatine at Antioch. Theodosius was already within the Church. The sacrarium was in Greek commonly to agion, or to ierateion. The 31st canon of the first Council of Braga ordains “ingredi sacrarium ad communicandum non liceat laicis nisi tantum clericis.”

71 Valesius remarks on this “Vera quidem sunt quoe de Flaccilloe Augustoe virtutibus hic refert Theodoretus. Sed nihil pertinent ad hunc locum; nam Flacilla diu ante cladem Thessalonicensium ex hac luce migraverat, et post ejus obitum Theodosius Gallam uxorem duxerat.”

583 Aelia Flacilla Augusta, Empress and Saint,is Plakilla in Greek historians, Placida in Philostorgius. She died at Scotumis in Thrace, Sept. 14, 385. The outbreak at Thessalonica occured in 390.

72 Flacilla died as has been said, in Sept. 385. The revolt at Thessalonica was in 390, and the disturbances at Antioch in 387. The chapters of Theodoret do not follow chronological order.

73 More probably the money was wanted to defray the expenses of magnificent fêtes in honour of the young Arcadius, including a liberal donation to the army. On the whole incident see Chrysostom’s famous Homilies on the Statues.

74 The mob looted the baths, smashed the hanging lamps, attack the praetorium, insulted the imperial portrait, and tore down the bronze statues of Theodosius and his deceased wife from their pedestals, and dragged them through the streets. A “whiff” of arrows from the guard calmed the oriental Paris of the 4th century.

75 i.e. the Laodicea on the Syrian coast, so called after the mother of Seleceus Nicator, and now Latakia.

76 Theodoret apparently refers to the advice given by Ambrosius after the massacre of Thessalonica, which, as we have said, took place three years after the instrustion at Antioch).

77 i.e. master of the household.

78 i.e. the ascetic monks.

79 cf. note on page 145.

Valesius remarks “Longe hic fallitur Theodoretus quasi seditio Antiochena post Thessalonicensem cladem contigerit.”

80 “Extat oratio Libanii ad imperatorem Theodosium pro temple in qua docet quomodo se gesserint imperatores Christiani erga pagamos. et Constantinum quidem Magnum ait duntaxat spoliasse templa, Constantinum vero ejus filium prohibuisse Sacrificia: ejusque legem a secutis imperatoribus at ab ipsomet Theodosio esse observatam; reliqua vera permissa fuisse paganis, id est turificationem et publicas epulas.” Valesius).

584 81 Romans 12,11.

82 Valesius points out that this was Cynegius, prefect of the East, who was sent by Thedosius to effect the closing of the idol’s temples. cf. Zos: iv.

83 kai sidhrw kai molibdw prosdedemenoi. We are reminded of the huge cramps which must at one time have bound the stones of the Colosseum, — the ruins being pitted all over by the holes made by the middle-age pillagers who tore them away.

84 I do not understand the description of this temple and its destruction precisely as Gibbon does. “dioruttwn” does not seem to mean “undermining the foundations”; St. Matthew and St. Lc use it of the thieves who “dig through” or “break in.” The word = dig though, and so into.

85 “The perpetual enemy of peace and virtue.” Gibbon. High office deteriorated his character. cf. Newman. Hist. Sketches 3,

86 In the museum at Naples is shewn part of the statue of Diana, found near the Forum at Pompeii. In the back of the head is a hole by means a tube in connexion with which, — the image standing against a wall, — the priests were supposed to deliver the oracles of the Huntress-Maid.

It is curious to note that just at this period when the pagan idols were destroyed, faint traces of image worship begin to appear in the Church. In another two centuries and a half it was becoming common, and in this particular point, Christianity relapsed into paganism. Littledale Plain Reasons, p. 47.

87 “A great number of plates of different metals, artificially joined together, composed the majestic figure of the deity who touched on either side of the walls of the sanctuary. Serapis was distinguished from Jupiter by the basket or bushel which was placed on his head, and by the emblematic monster which he held in his right hand; the head and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which were again terminated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf.” Gibbon, on the authority of Macrobius Sat. 1,20.

88 Gibbon quotes the story of Augustus in Plin. Nat. Hist. 33,24. “Is it true,” said the emperor to a veteran at whose home he supped, “that the man who gave the first of his eyes and of his life?” “I want that man,” replied the clear sighted veteran, “and you now sup on one of the legs of the goddess.” cf. the account in Bede of the destruction by the priest Coify of the great image of the Saxon God at the Goodmanham in Yorkshire.

89 “Some twenty years before the Roman armies withdrew from Britain the triumph of Christianity was completed. Then a question occurs whether archaeology casts any light on the on the discomfiture of Roman paganism in Britain. In proof of the affirmative a curious fact has been adduced, that the statues of pagan divinities discovered in Britain are always or mostly broken. At Binchester, for instance, the Roman Vinovium, not far from Durham, there was found among the remains of an important Roman building a stone statue of the goddess Flora, which its legs broken, lying face downward across a drain as a support to the masonry above. It would certainly not be wise to press archaeological facts too far; but the broken gods in Britain curiously tally with the edicts of Theodosius and the shattered Serapis at Alexandria.” Hole Early Missions, p. 24).

90 i.e. from 381, when Flavianus was appointed to the see of Antioch, to 398, the date of the mission of Acacius.

585 91 vide Chap. 22,He succeeded in July, 385.

92 Valentinian II. was strangled while bathing in the Rhine at Vienne, May 15, 392. Philost. 11,1. cf. Soc. 5,25; Soz. vii. 22.

Arbogastes, his Franklin Master of the Horse, who had instigated his murder, set up the pagan professor Eugenius to succeed him. Theodosius did not march to meet the murderer of his young brother-in-law till June, 394, and meanwhile his Empress galla died, leaving a little daughter, Galla Placidia.

93 i.e. at Lycopolis, the modern Siut, in the Thebaid. The envoy was the Eunuch Eutropius. Soz. 7,22. Claud. i. 312.

94 “Theodosius marched north-westwards, before, up the valley of the Save, and to the city of Aemona.” (Laybach). “Not there did he meet his foes, but at a place thirty miles off, half-way between Aemona and Aquileia, where the Frigidus, (now the Wipbach, or Vipao) burst suddenly from a limestone hill. Here the battle was joined between Eugenius and his Franklin patron and Theodosius with his 20,000 Gothic foederati and the rest of the army of the East. Gainas, Saul, Bacarius, Alaric, were the chief leaders of the Teutonic troops. The first day of battle fell heavily on the foederati of Theodosius, half of whim were left dead epon the field.” Hodgkin Dynasty of Theodosius, p. 131. This was Sept. 5, 394).

95 Here was a crucial contest between paganism and Christianity, which might seem a “nodus dignus vindice Deo.” On the part played by storms in history vide note on page 103. Claudian, a pagan, was content to acknowledge the finger of providence in the rout of Eugenius, and apostrophizing Honorius, exclaims

Te proper gelidis Aquilo de monte procellis

Obruit adversas acies, revolutaque tela

Vertit in auctores, et turbine repulit hastas.

O nimium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ad antris

Aeolus armatas hyemes; cui militat oether

586 Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti.”—vii.93

Augustine says he heard of the “revoluta tela” from a soldier engaged in the battle. The appearance of St. Jn and St. Philip finds a pagan parallel in that of the “great twin brethren” at Lake Regillus.

“So like they were, no mortal

Might one from other know:

White as snow their armour was,

Their steeds were white as snow.”

According to Spanish story St. James the Great fought on a milk-white charger, waving a white flag, at the battle of Clavijo, in 939. cf. Mrs. Jameson Sacred and Legendary Art, 1,234.

Sozomen (vii. 24) relates how at the very hour of the fight, at the church which Theodosius had built near Constantinople to enshrine the head of Jn the Baptist (cf. note on p. 96), a demoniac insulted the saint, taunting him with having had his head cut off, and said “you conquer me and ensnare my army.” On this Jortin remarks “either the devil and Sozomen, or else Theodoret, seem to have made a mistake, for the two first ascribe the victory to Jn the Baptist and the third to Jn the Evangelist.” Remarks 2,165).

96 Theodosius died of dropsy at Milan, Jan. 17, 395. “The character of Theodosius is one of the most perplexing in history. The church historians have hardly a word of blame for him except in the matter of the massacre of Thessalonica, and that seems to be almost atoned for in their eyes by its perpetrator’s penitent submission to ecclesiastical censure. On the other hand the heathen historians, represented by Zosimus, condemn in the most unmeasured terms his insolence, his love of pleasure, his pride, and hint at the scandalous immorality of his life.” “It is the fashion to call him the Great, and we may admit that he has as good a right to that title as Lewis XIV., a monarch whom in some respects he pretty closely resembles. But it seems to me that it would be safer to withhold this title from both sovereigns, and to call them not the Great, but the Magnificent.” Hodgkin, Dynasty of Theodosius. 133.

The great champion of orthodoxy, he was no violent persecutor, and received at his death from a grateful paganism the official honours of apotheosis.

97 Arcadius was now eighteen, and Honorius eleven. Arcadius reigned at Constantinople, the puppet of Rufinus, the Eunuch Eutropius, and his Empress, Eudoxia.

587 Honorius was established at Milan, till the approach of Alaric drove him to Ravenna. (402).

98 Nectarius died in Sept. 397, and Jn Chrysostom was appointed in Feb. 398. cf. Soc. 6,2 and Soz. 8,2.

“The only difficulty lay with Chrysostom himself and the people of Antioch. The double danger of a decided ‘nolo episcopari0’ on Chrysostom’s part, and of a public commotion when the Antiocheans heard of the intention of robbing them of their favourite preacher was overcome by stratagem. Asterius, the Comes Orientis, in accordance with instructions received from Eutropius, induced Chrysostom to accompany him to a martyr’s chapel outside the city walls. There he was apprehended by the officers of the government, and conveyed to Papae, the first post station on the road to Constantinople. His remonstrances were unheeded; his enquiries met with obstinate silence. Placed in a public chariot, and hurried on under a military escort from stage to stage, the 800 miles traversed with the utmost dispatch, the future bishop reached his imperial see a closely guarded prisoner. However unwelcome the dignity thrust on him was, Chrysostom, knowing that resistance was useless, felt it more dignified to submit without further struggle.”
“Chrysostom was consecrated February 26th a.d. 398, in the presence of a vast multitude assembled not only to witness the ceremony but also to listen to the inaugural sermon of one of whose eloquence they had heard so much. This ‘sermo enthronisticus0’ is lost.” Dict. Christ. Biog. s. 5,“Chrysostom.”

99 Elpidius, possibly a kind of domestic chaplain (suskhno") to Meletius, was afterwards a warm friend and advocate of Chrysostom. In 406 he was deposed and imprisoned for three years, and not restored till 414.

100 Vide note on p. 115.

101 Marcellus was bishop of Apamea.

102 Succeeded his brother Marcellus in 398. cf. note on p. 128 and Relig. Hist. 3.

103 Soc. 6,3; Soz. viii, 2.

104 Vide p. 159.

105 Vide p. 128.

588 106 Of Ancyra cf. Soz. vi, 18; and viii, 30).

107 Valesius points out that those commentators have been in error who have supposed Theodoretus to be referring here to ecclesiastical divisions and officers.

Chrysostom is here distinctly described as asserting and exercising a jurisdiction over the civil “dioeceses” of Pontica, Asia, and Thrace. But the quasi patriarchate was at this time only honorary. Only so late as at the recent council at Constantinople (381) had its bishop, previously under the metropolitan of Perinthus, been declared to rank next after the bishop of Rome, the metropolitans of Alexandria and Antioch standing next, but it was not till the Council of Chalcedon that the “dioeceses” of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace were formally subjected to the see of Constantinople.

108 The imperial edict for the destruction of the Phoenician Temples was obtained in 399.

109 The Church of St. Paul. Hom. xii. pp. 512–526.

110 i.e. at Cyrus.

111 I1Co 11,28).

112 The three great officials, Aurelianus, Saturninus, and the Count Jn had already surrendered themselves to the arrogant Goth, and their lives had only been spared at the entreaty of Chrysostom.

113 (
Mt 7,6 Mt 7,

114 It is not clear where the mission of Chrysostom to Gainas should be placed. Gainas attacked the capital by sea and by land, but his Goths were massacred in their own church, and he was repulsed. He was finally defeated and slain in Jan. 401.

115 The foes of Chrysostom were

589 (i) The empress Eudoxia, jealous of his power;

(ii) The great ladies on whose toilettes of artifice and extravagant licentiousness he had poured his scorn; among them being Marsa, Castricia, and Eugraphia;

(iii) The baser clergy whom his simplicity of life shamed, notably Acacius of Beroea, whose hostility is traced by Palladius to the meagre hospitality of the archiepiscopal palace at Constantinople, when the hungry guest exclaimed “egw autw artuw cutran”—“I’ll pepper a pot for him!” (Pall. 49). and Theophilus of Alexandria, who had never forgiven his elevation to the see, and Gerontius of Nicomedia whom he had deposed.

116 i.e. at the suburb of Chalcedon known as “the Oak.” The charges included his calling the Empress Jezebel, and eating a lozenge after the Holy Communion. Pallad. 66).

117 For three days the people withstood his removal. At last he slipped out by a postern, and, when a nod would have roused rebellion, submitted to exile. But he was only deported a very little way.

118 Eudoxia was the daughter of Banto, a Frankish general. Philostorgius (xi. 6), says that she “ou kata thn tou andro" diekeito nwqeian, all: enhn auth tou barbarikou qrasou" ouk oligon.

119 The proceedings of “the Oak” were declared null and void, and the bishop was formally reinstated. 403.

120 Theodoret omits the second offence to Eudoxia — his invectives on the dedication of her silver statue in front of St. Sophia in Sept. 403. (Soc. 6,18. Soz. 8,20) “Once again Herodias runs wild; once again she dances; once again she is in a hurry to get the head of Jn on a charger.” Or does the description of Herodias, and not Salome, as dancing, indicate that the calumnious sentence was not really uttered by Chrysostom, but said to have been uttered by informers whose knowledge of the Gospels was incomplete?

The discourse “in decollationem Baptistoe Joannis” is in Migne Vol. 8,485, but it is generally rejected as spurious.

The circumstances of the deposition will be found in Palladius, and in Chrysostom’s Ep. ad Innocent. The edict was issued June 5, 404. Cucusus (cf. p. 2,4) is on the borders of Cilicia and Armenia Minor. Gibbon says the three years spent here were the “most glorious of his life,” so great was the influence he wielded.

In the winter of 405 he was driven with other fugitives from Cucusus through fear of Isaurian banditti, and fled some 60 miles to Arabissus. Early in 406 he returned. Eudoxia was dead († Oct. 4. 404) but other enemies were impatient at the old man’s resistance to hardship. An Edict was procured transferring the exile to Pityus, in the N.E. corner of the Black Sea (now Soukoum in Transcaucasia) but Chrysostom’s strength was unequal to the cruel hardships of the journey. Some five miles from Comana in Pontus (Tokat), clothed in white robes, he expired in the chapel of the martyred bishop Basiliskus, Sept. 14. 407. Basiliskus was martyred in 312.

590 121 Atticus (Bp. of Constantinople 405–426) was forced by fear alike of the mob and the Emperor to consent to the restitution. His letters to Peter and Aedesius, deacon of Cyril of Alexandria, and Cyril’s reply, (Niceph. 14,26–27) are interesting. Cyril “would as soon put the name of Judas on the rolls as that of Chrysostom.” Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 209.

122 Cyril occupied the Episcopal throne of Alexandria from 412 to 444. Theodoretus could not be expected to allude to the withdrawal of the Roman legions from Britain in 401, or the release of Britoins from their allegiance by Honorius in 410. The sack of Rome by the Goths in the latter year might have however claimed a passing notice).

123 Of the five Johns more or less well known as bishop of Jerusalem this was the second—from 386 to 417. He is chiefly known to us from the severe criticisms of Jerome.

124 Bp. from 413 to 421.

125 Palladius (Dial. 143 et Seqq). describes Porphyrius as a monster of frivolity, iniquity, and bitterness. It is interesting to hear both sides.

126 Theodoret here uses the word diptucon. Other words in use were ierai, deltoi and katalogoi. The names engraved on these tablets were recited during the celebration of the Holy Eucharist. e. g. at Carthage in 411 we find it said of Caecilianus: “In ecclesia sumus in qua episcopatum gessit et diem obiit. Ejus nomen ad altare recitamus ejus memorioe communicamus tanquam memorioe fratris.” (Dict. Christ. Ant. 1,561. Labbe ii. 1490). Names were sometimes erased from unworthy motives. A survival of the use obtains in the English Church in the Prayer for the Church Militant, and more specifically in the recitation of names in the Bidding Prayer.

127 Theodosius II. succeeded his father May 1, 408, at the age of eight. The translation of the remains of Chrysostom took place at the beginning of 438. Theodosius died in 450, and the phrase “o nun basileuwn” thus limits the composition of the History. As however Theodoret does not continue his list of bishops of Rome after Caelestinus, who died in 440, we may conclude that the History was written in 438–439. But the mention of Isdigirdes II. in Chap. 38,carries us somewhat further. Possibly the portions of the work were jotted down from time to time.

128 Theodosius II. had four sisters, Flaccilla, Pulcheria, Arcadia, and Marina. Pulcheria was practically empress-regnant for a considerable period. She was only two years older than her brother, but was declared Augusta and empress July 14, 414, at the age of 15 1/2. On his death In 450 she married Marcianus a general. Besides the relics of Chrysostom she translated in 446 those of the martyrs of Sebaste. Soz. ix. 2.

129 “ta qeia logia.” This is the common phrase in our author for the Holy Scriptures. According to the interpretation given by Schleiermacher and like theologians to the title of the work of Papias, “logiwn kuriakwn exhghsei"” and to the passage of Eusebius (Ecc. Hist. 3,39) in which Papias is quoted as salting that Matthew “Ebraidi dialektw ta logia sunegrayato.” Pulcheria and her sisters did not study the Scriptures, but only “the divine discourses,” to the exclusion of anything that was not a discourse. cf. Salmon Introduction to the N. T. 4th Ed. pp. 95, 96, and Bp. Lightfoot’s Essays in reply to the anonymous author of “Supernatural Religion.” cf. Rm 3,21, He 5,12, I. Pet. 4,11, and Clem. ad Cor. 53,“For beloved you know, aye, and well know, the sacred Scriptures, and have pored over the oracles of God.

130 Supposed to be identified with Rogas, Rugilas, or Roas, a prince said by Priscus in his Hist. Goth. to have preceded Attila in the sovereignty of the Huns. cf. Soc. vii, 43.

131 i.e. Rhoesina, or Theodosiopolis in Osrhoena, now Erzeroum.

591 132 Vararanes V. son of Isdigirdes I. persecuted Christians in the beginning of the 5th c. cf. Soc. 7,18, 20).

Sapor III. 385–390

Vararanes IV. 390–399).

Isdigirdes I. 399–420).

Vararanes V. 420–440).

Isdigirdes II. 440–457.

133 It is interesting to find in the fifth century an instance of the sacred nomenclature with which we have familiar instances in the “San Josef” and the “Salvador del mundo” of Cape St. Vincent, and the “Santa Anna” and “Santissima Trinidad” of Trafalgar. (Southey, Life of Nelson, Chap 4,and ix). On the north side of Sebastopol there was an earthwork called “The Twelve Apostles.” (Kinglake, Crimea, Vol. iv. p. 48). St. Thomas was the supposed founder of the church of Edessa.

134 This might have been written before the weaker elements in the character of Theodosius II. produced their most disastrous results. But he was not a satisfactory sovereign, nor a desirable champion of Christendom. In some respects like our Edward the Confessor and Henry VI. he had, in the words of Leo, “the heart of a priest as well as of an emperor.” “He had fifteen prime ministers in twenty-five years, the last of whom, the Eunuch Chrysaphius, retained his power for the longest period). a.d. 443–450. During that time the empire was rapidly hurrying to destruction. The Vandals in Africa and the Huns under Attila in Europe were ravaging some of his fairest provinces while the emperor was attending to palace intrigues. …Chrysaphius made him favourable to Eutyches, and thus largely contributed to the establishment of the monophysite heresy.” Dr. Stokes in Dict. Christ. Biog. 4,966.

135 This paragraph belongs more appropriately to the preceding chapter. The relics of Chrysostom were translated in 438).

136 The accepted order is Innocent I. 402–417; Zosimus 417–418; Boniface I. 418–422; Caelestinus 422–432.

The decision of Honorius in favour of Bonifacius as against Eulalius, both elected by their respective supporters on the death of Zosimus in 418, marks an important point in the interference of temporal princes in the appointments of bishops of Rome. cf. Robertson, 1,498.

592 137 Prau" = meek, gentle.

138 Apollinarians survived the condemnation of Apollinarius at Constantinople in 381.

The unsoundness, i.e. the denial of the rational soul, and so of the perfect manhood of the Saviour, is discussed in Dial. I.

139 Yezdegerd I. son of Sapor III. Vide note on p. 156.

140 Abdas was bishop of Susa. In Soc. vii. 8 he is “bishop of Persia.”

141 The second of the six supreme councillors of Ahuramazda in the scheme of Zarathustra Spitama (Zoroaster) is Ardebehesht, light or lightness of any kind and representing the omnipresence of the good power. Hence sun, moon and stars are symbols of deity and the believer is enjoined to face fire or light in his worship. Temples and altars must be fed with holy fire. In their reverence for fire orthodox Parsees abstained from smoking, but alike of old and today they would deny the charge of worshipping fire in any other sense than as an honoured symbol.

142 The word in the original is stoiceiaÉ on this Valesius annotates “This does not mean the four elements, for the Persian Magi did not worship the four elements but only fire and the sun and moon.” In illustration of this use of the word he quotes Chrysostom. Hom. 58 in Matth.

o gar daimwn epi diabolh tou stoiceiou kai epitiqetai toi" alousi, kai anihsin autou" kata tou" th" selhnh" dromou"É and St. Jerome Ep. ad Hedyb. 4 where he speaks of the days of the week as being described by the heathen “Idolorum et elementorum nominibus.

143 i.e. Isdigirdes II. 440–457).

144 Achaemenes was the name of the Grandfather of Cambyses, father of Cyrus, and also of a son of Darius, son of Hystaspes. Hence the Achaemenidae were the noblest stock of Persia.

145 (
Mt 7,24 Mt 7,

593 146 (Mt 25,25 Mt 25,

147 The edict of Diocletian against the Christians was issued on the feast of the Terminalia, Feb. 23, 303. Good Friday, here h tou swthriou paqou" hmera, was commonly known as hmera tou staurou, pasca staurwsimou, and paraskeuh.

Tertullian speaks of its early observance as a general fast, and Eusebius confirms his testimony).

148 Theodorus was born at Antioch in 350, consecrated bishop of Mopsuestia in 392, and died in 428 in Cilicia.

149 The evidence is in favour of distinguishng this Polychronius from the monk described in the Religious History.

150 “The date of the death of Theodotus is fixed for a.d. 429 by a passage of Theodoret’s letter to Dioscorus, where, when speaking of his having taught for six years under him at Antioch, he refers to his blessed and holy memory, combined with one in his history, stating that the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia took place in the episcopate of Theodotus.” Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 983.

The last event referred to by Theodoretus seems to be the accession of Isdigirdes II. in 440. Vide pp. 155, 156.

1 erano" — a meal to which every one contributes a share; a club feast, or pic-nic, and eranisth" is in classical Greek a contributor to such a feast. But eranizw = (a) “contribute,” and (b) “beg for contributions.” So eranisth" is by some rendered “beggar.” The idea of Theodoretus seems rather that his worse character is a picker up of various scraps of heresy from different quarters, and this explanation of the name is borne out by his use of the cognate verb eranizomai in reference to the selection by Audaeus of some of the doctrines of Manes in Hist. 4,9.

2 Polymorphus = Multiform.

3 II. Tim. 4,14.

4 II. Kings 16,5.

594 5 Cerdo, the gnostic teacher of the middle of the 2nd c., and placed by Theodoretus (Haer. Fab. 1,24) in the reign of Antoninus, a.d. 138–161, is described by the Ps. Tertullian as denying that Christ came in the substance of the flesh, but in appearance only. According to Marcion the greater follower of Cerdo, Christ was not born at all, but came down from heaven to Capernaum a.d. 29, his body being an appearance and his death an illusion. Simon Magus, the “father of all heretics” of Irenaeus (adv. Haer. pr. in lib. iii). is apparently quoted rather as the supposed originator of Gnosticism, than from any definite knowledge of his tenets.

6 Valentinus (taught at Rome c. 140) the arch.gnostic is identified with the doctrine of emanation. Bardesanes (Bar Daisan), who lived some thirty years later at Edessa, was a great leader of the Syrian school of oriental dualism. For mention of his son Harmonius vide Hist. p. 129.

7 Condemned at Constantinople in 381).

1 Cf. note p. 36, History.

2 “Sauromatas gentes Scytharum Groeci vocant, quos Sarmatas Romani.” Pliny iii.

3 (
Gn 6,7 Gn 6,

4 (Ps 49,20 Ps 49,

5 (Jn 1,14).

6 (Mt 19,26 Mt 19,

7 (Ps cxxxv. 6.

8 The reference in Schulze’s edition is to Jeremiah 10,16, but here the Septuagint o plasa" ta panta does not bear out the point. The quotation is no doubt of Am 5,8, where the LXX is o poiwn panta kai metaskeuazwn.

595 9 (Ps 3,27 Ps 3,

10 (Ml 3,6 Ml 3,

11 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

12 (1Co 12,4 1Co 12,

13 I1Co 4,13).

14 (He 2,16 He 2,

15 cf. Article 9,of the English Church. Sin is not part of man’s nature, but the fault or corruption of it. If an one sense the fallen Adam is the natural man, in a higher sense Christ, the Son of man, is the natural man; i.e. in Him the manhood is seen incorrupt. cf. p. 183 and note.

16 (Is 41,8 Is 41,

17 (Gn 12,3 Gn 12, lxx. has eneuloghqhsontai en soi. In Ac 3,25, it is tw spermati sou , in Ga 3,8, en soi.

18 (Ga 3,16 Ga 3, is here an omission of the four words “kai tw spermati sou.” Of the difficulty of the passage full discussion will found in Bishop Lightfoot’s “Galatians” — page Is 141
19 (Gn 49,10 Gn 49, the text follows the Alexandrine Septuagint substituting ew" an elqh w apokeitai for ew" an elqh ta apokeimena autw.

596 The Vulgate runs “Non auferetur sceptrum de Iuda, et dux de femore eius, donec veniat qui mittendus est et ipse erit expectatio gentium.”

20 Hebrews 2,16).

21 Hebrews 7,14.

22 (
Mi 5,2 Mi 5,

23 Matthew 2,5, Matthew 2,6.

24 Matthew 2,6

25 (Mi 5,2 Mi 5,

26 Romans 9,5.

27 Baruch, iii, 35, 37.

“The ascription of the prophecy of Baruch to Jeremiah may be explained by the fact that in the lxx. Baruch was placed either before or after Lamentations, and was regarded in the early church as an appendix to, and of equal authority with, Jeremiah. It is so quoted by Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Tertullian.”

Augustine de Civ. xviii, 33. quotes Baruch iii, 16. with the remark “Hoc testimonium quidem non Hieremoe sed Scriboe eius attribuunt qui vocabatur Baruch, sed Hieremioe celebratius habetur.”

597 28 I. Tim. 1,17.

29 I. Tim. 6,16.

30 Baruch 3,38.

31 I. Tim. 1,17.

32 I. Tim. 6,16).

33 (
He 2,16 He 2,

34 I. Tim. 3,16. Theodoretus shews no knowledge of the reading   for   in this famous passage accepted by our revisers with the marginal comment “The word God in place of (He who rests on no sufficient ancient evidence.” Macedonius II, patriarch of Constantinople, is said to have been accused by his enemy the Emperor Anastasius of falsifying this particular passage. But if Theodoretus, who died c. 458, really wrote   copies of the Epistles containing this reading must have existed some half century before the dispute between Macedonius and Anastasius. Gregory of Nyssa also uses the passage as does Theodoretus; Greg. Nyss. cont. Eun. 4,i. The accepted opinion now regards the Codex of Alexandrianus as reading o".

35 (Mt 18,10 Mt 18, the omission of the words “In heaven,” which A. V. inserts with

36 (Jn 6,46 Jn 6,

37 (Jn 1,18 Jn 1,

38 Exodus 33,20.

598 39 Genesis 18,i. Sept.

40 (Is 6,i.

41 Exodus 33,11.

42 Numbers 12,8.

43 (
Os 12,10 Os 12, A. V. has “used similitudes.”

44 Matthew 18,10.

45 I. Tim. 3,16.

46 Hebrews 10,19–22. In 3,607. ed. Migne this passage is quoted by Theodoret as in A. V.

47 (Gn 49,10 Gn 49, note on p. Gn 6
48 (Gn 49,11 Gn 49,

49 mustikwteron.

599 50 (Jn 15,1 Jn 15,

51 (Jn 19,34).

52 (Jn 12,23 Jn 12,

53 (Jn 12,24 Jn 12,

54 This passage and a parallel passage from Dial. II. were quoted with force in the discussions of the English Reformation. Bp. Ridley on the foregoing writes (A Brief Declaration of the Lord’s Supper, Parker Soc. Ed. p. 35). “What can be more plainly said than this that this old writer saith? That although the Sacraments bear the name of the body and blood of Christ, yet is not their nature changed, but abideth still. And where is then the Papists’ transubstantiation?”

55 (Gn 49,2 Gn 49,

56 (Mt 26,28 Mt 26,

57 (Jn 6,51 Jn 6,

58 Aristotle (Oec: 1. 6. 1). uses the proverb as we say in English “to draw water in a sieve.”

59 (He 2,16 He 2,

60 (Gn 2,18 Gn 2,

600 61 (He 7,14 He 7,

62 (He 5,1 He 5, He 8,3).

63 (He 10,5 He 10,

64 (Mt 1,20 Mt 1, rendering of gennhqen by “conceived” in the A. V. somewhat obscures the argument of Theodoret. The R. V. has “begotten” in the margin.

65 (Ps 40,7 Ps 40, The difficulty how to account for the rendering of wlhyrb µmka

 i.e. “My ear hast thou dug” by “swma kathrtisw” is an old one. Did HQELHSASWTIADEKATHRTISW get altered by mistake into HQELHSASSWMADEKATHRTISW? “How the word swma came into the lxx. we cannot say; but being there it is now sanctioned for us by the citation here; not as the, or even a proper rendering of the Hebrew, but as a prophetic utterance.” Alford ad loc.

66 I have no hesitation in translating alla here by “save,” in spite of the purist prejudice which has led even the revisers of 1881 to retain something of the awkward periphrasis by which the meaning of Mt 20,23 and Mc 10,40. is confused in A. V., and an Arian sense given to our Lord’s declaration, “To sit on my right hand and my left is not mine to give save to them for whom it is prepared.” i.e. It is His to give, but not to give arbitrarily or of caprice. Liddell and Scott, Ed. 1883, recognise and illustrate this use of alla (Vide s. 5,I. 3). which in classical Greek is vindicated by such a passage as Soph. O. T. 1331). epaise dAE autoceir nin outi" allAE egw, and in N. T. Greek, as well as by the crucial passage in question, in Mc 9,8). ouketi oudena eidon alla ton Ihsoun monon, “They no longer saw any one save Jesus only.”

67 (Ps lxxxix. 1, 2.

68 (Ps lxxxix. 3.

69 (Ps lxxxix. 3.

70 (Ps lxxxix. 4).

601 71 (1Co 6,10 1Co 6,

72 (Ga 3,1 Ga 3,

73 2. Tim. 3,8.

74 (Ph 3,19 Ph 3,

75 (Ps lxxxix. 4.


77 (Ps lxxxix. 25.

78 (Ps lxxxix. 27.

79 (Ps lxxxix. 26.

80 (Ps lxxxix. 28, 29).

81 (Ps lxxxix. 35, 36, 37.

602 82 (He 6,17 He 6,

83 (He 6,18 He 6,

84 (Is lv. 3.

85 (Is lv. 4. Is. lv. 5, lxx.

86 (Is 11,1 Is 11,

87 (Is 11,2 Is 11,

88 (1Co 12,8 1Co 12,

89 A. V. “reprove with equity for the meek of the earth;” Sept). elegxei tou" tapeinou" th" gh".

90 (Is 11,4 Is 11,

91 (Is 11,6).

92 (Is 11,10 Is 11,

603 93 (Is 11,9 Is 11,

94 (Ac 2,30–31.

95 (Ac 13,23 Ac 13,

96 (2Tm 2,8 2Tm 2,

97 Romans 1,1–3.

98 (Mt 1,2 Mt 1,

99 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

100 A kenh elpiso pisti" would be a faith which could not possibly be realized; and mataia elpi" a hope of not impossible but very improbable fulfilment. But the distinction between keno" and mataio" is hardly borne out by their use in the text.

101 Ephes. 2,6).

102 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

103 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

604 104 (Ph 2,5 Ph 2, Ph 2,8 Ph 2,

105 (Jn 10,33 Jn 10,

106 (Jn 9,16 Jn 9,

107 (Mt 8,27 Mt 8,

108 I. Jn 4,2, I. Jn 4,3).

109 Ed. Ben. I. 2. 207.

110 (Ga 3,13 Ga 3,

111 I Ep. ad Cled. 1,Ed. Paris. p. 744.

112 I1Co 5,21. Ga 3,13.

113 (Is 53,4 Is 53,

114 de Incar. Dom. Sac. 6,II. Ed. Ben. p. 716. The Latin of Ambrose, which is not exactly rendered by Theodoret, is as follows:—"Sic scriptum est, inquiunt, quia Verbum caro factum est (Ioan 1, 14). Scriptum est, non negro: sed considera quid sequatur; sequitur enim: Et habitavit in nobis, hoc est, illud Verbum quod carnem suscepit, hoc habitavit in nobis, hoc est, in carue habitavit humana.

605 "Miraris ergo quia scriptum est: Verbum caro factium est, cum caro assumpta sit a Dei Verbo: quando de peccato quod non habuit, scriptum est quia peccatum factus est, hoc est, non natura operationeque peccati, utpote in similitudinem carnis peccati factus: sed ut peccatum nostrum in sua carne crucifigeret, susceptionem pro nobis infirmitatum obnoxii jam corporis peccati carnalis assumpsit.

Desinant ergo dicere naturam Verbi in corporis naturam esse mutatam; ne pari interpretatione videatur natura Verbi in contagium mutata peccati Aliud est enim quod assumpsit, et aliud quod assumptum est."

115 Compare note on page 72.

116 “In the Eastern church till nearly the end of the fourth century we find, as has been said, the divine celebration of Christ’s nativity and baptism on January 6th. The date of the severance of the two can be approximately fixed, for Chrysostom refers to it as a matter of merely a few years’ standing, in a sermon probably delivered on the Christmas day of 386 a.d. How far back we are to refer the origin of this two-fold festival it is not easy to determine, the earliest mention of any kind being the allusion by Clement of Alexandria to the annual commemoration of Christ’s baptism by the Basilidians (Stromata, lib. i. c. 21). At any rate by the latter part of the fourth century the Epiphany had become one of the most important and venerable festivals in the Eastern church.”

Dict. Christ. Ant. 1,617.

117 Chrys. Ed. Sav. II. p. 598.

118 (
Ga 3,13 Ga 3,

119 The modern reader will not omit to note the bearing of these patristic interpretations of the scriptural statements that the word was “made” flesh and that Christ was “made” a curse on later controversies concerning Transubstantiation.

120 On the northern seaboard of Syria. Severianus was at one time Chrysostom’s commissary and afterwards his determined opponent.

121 The value of Chrysostom and Severianus as independent witnesses is somewhat weakened by the fact, pointed out by Schulze, that among the writings of the former some are attributed to the latter.

122 The Apost. Const. 7,46. represent Ignatius as ordained by St. Paul. Malalas describes St. Peter as ordaining Ignatius on the death of Euodius. Vide article “Euodius” in Dict. Christ. Biog).

606 123 Bp. Lightfoot (Ap. Fathers pt. II. 2,290). adopts the reacting kata qelhma kai dunamin for kata qeothta, and notes “Theodoret strangely substitutes qeothta for qelhma. This reading …may be due to …ignorance of the absolute use of qelhma. The Armenian translator likewise has substituted another word.

124 (
Mt 3,15 Mt 3,

125 Ig. ad Smyrn. I.

126 There is a play here on the sapkoforo", nekroforo", and, possibly, qeoforo". Vide Pearson and Lightfoot ad loc. (Ignat. ad Smyrn. V).

127 “A saying to this effect is attributed to Our Lord by Didymus on Ps: lxxxviii 8. It is mentioned also by Origen Hom. XX. In Jerem: Sec. III.” Bp. Lightfoot 50,c.

128 Ignat. ad Smyrn. IV.

129 Compare note on page 72.

130 Bp. Lightfoot adopts the reading of Cod. Med. “that by his passion he might cleanse the water.” Ig. ad Ep XVIII.

131 Ig. ad Ep XX.

132 Ignat. ad Ep VII.

133 Ig. ad Trall. ix.

607 134 (Lc 2,4 Lc 2,

135 (Ps 132,11 Ps 132,

136 (Is 7,13 Is 7,

137 Cont. Haer. 3,31.

138 (Jn 4,6).

139 (Ps 69,26 Ps 69, V. They talk to the grief of those whom thou hast wounded. lxx. R. V. They tell of the sorrow of those whom thou hast wounded.

140 (Jn 11,35 Jn 11,

141 (Lc 22,44 Lc 22,

142 Mt 26,28.

143 (Jn 19,34 Jn 19,

144 Cont. Haer. 3,32.

608 145 (Rm 5,19 Rm 5,

146 Cont. Haer. 3,20.

147 (Ps 82,67 Ps 82,

148 Cont. Haer. 3,21.

149 Vide note on page 72.

150 Adv. Haer. 3,26. The allusion is to the gnostics and mainly to Valentinus and his school who imagined seven heavens, and a supercelestial space termed “Ogdoad.” “The doctrine of an Ogdoad of the commencement of finite existence having been established by Valentinus, those of his followers who had been imbued with the Pythagorean philosophy introduced a modification. In that phiiosophy the tetrad was regarded with peculiar veneration, and held to be the foundation of the sensible world.” Cf. Hippolytus Ref. 6,23, p. 179 “We read there (Iren. 1,xi). of Secundus as a Valentinian who divided the Ogdoad into a right hand and a left hand tetrad, and in the case of Marcus who largely uses Pythagorean speculations about numbers the tetrad holds the highest place in the system.” Dr. Salmon, Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 72. Irenaeus wrote a work, no longer extant, “on the Ogdoad.” Euseb. H. E. v. 20.

151 (Ps 38,5 Ps 38,

152 Vide Isaiah 19,1.

153 Bishop first of Olympus and then of Patara at the beginning of the 4th c. This is the only fragment preserved by Theodoret).

154 (Ac 7,57 Ac 7,

155 (Pr 8,22 Pr 8,

609 156 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

157 (Jn 15,5and Jn 15,1 Jn 15,

158 (Ps 12,22 Ps 12,

159 (Jn 1,1 Jn 1,

160 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

161 (Gn 49,11, lxx.

162 (Jn 1,1 Jn 1,

163 (Jn 1,14).

164 (Ap 1 Ap 9
165 (Ps 21,12 Ps 21,

166 (Ps lxxxviii. 4. Ps lxxxviii. 5.

610 167 (Is 2,13 Is 2,

168 The antithesis is between the Greek words qesi" and fusi". cf. “Krinotelhn Pindarou, qesei de Filoxenou.” Corp. Ins. (add). 2480. d.

169 (Lc 3,38 Lc 3,

170 (Ps lx. 8.

171 (Ga 4,4 Ga 4,

172 (1Co 11,12 1Co 11,

173 (1Co 15,47 1Co 15,

174 (1Co 15,48 1Co 15,

175 (Jn 3,13 Jn 3,

176 (Jn 1,3 Jn 1,

177 Ephes. 3,17).

611 178 The original for arpasa", “seizing” has agiasa" i.e. hallowing.

179 The word used is prwtopaqein, a late and rare one. Galen uses the correlative prwtopaqeia to express a condition distinguished from sumpaqeia.

180 (
Ph 2,7 Ph 2,

181 (Jn 5,19 Jn 5,

182 (Mt 26,41 Mt 26,

183 (Lc 1,35 Lc 1,

184 (Pr 9,1 Pr 9,

185 (Pr 8,22 lxx. “ektioe.”

186 oikonmia. cf. note on p. 72.

187 (Ph 2,6 Ph 2, Ph 2,7 Ph 2,

188 (Dt 10,17 Ap 17,14 Ap 17, Ap 19,16).

612 189 (Is 61,1 Is 61,

190 Of these two works no fragments exist but these two preserved by Theodoretus.

191 (Jn 14,28 Jn 14,

192 (Jn 5,19 Jn 5,

193 oikonouia. cf. note on p. 72.

194 cf. 1Co 15,47.

195 Migne II. 356.

196 e.g. Anubis, the barket Anubis — cf. Virg. Aen. 8,698, and the common oath “by the dog,” unless indeed the common adjuration of Socrates nh ton kuna may have been only a vernacular substitute for nh ton Dia, like the vulgar “law” for “Lord.” The Benedictine Ed. adds “cats.”

197 cf. Ephes. 5,12.

198 skeuo". cf. 2Co 4,7. 1Th 4,4. 1 Peter 3,7. Cicero. Tusc. 1. 22 calls the body “vas animi.”

199 cf. p. 132.

613 200 sarkwsi" kenwsi". cf. Ph 2,7.

201 (
Mt 10,24).

1 futiko", of or belonging to futon, or plant; but though futon is opposed to xwon, it is also used of any creature, and here seems to mean no more than the soul of physical life, and nothing beyond.

2 cf. p. 132.

3 (Gn 2,7 Gn 2,

4 (Mt 10,28 Mt 10, Lc 12,4 Lc 12, Lc 12,5 Lc 12,

5 (Gn 46,20, lxx. In the Hebrew the number is but seventy, including Jacob himself. St. Stephen, as was natural in a Hellonized Jew follows the lxx. (Ac 7,14). For the number 75 there were doubtless important traditional authorities known to the lxx.

6 (Ac 20,10 Ac 20,

7 This “lost” must be qualified. The Scriptural doctrine is that the “image of God” though defaced and marred, is not lost or destroyed. After the flood the “image of God” is still quoted as against murder Gn 9,6. St. James urges it as a reason against cursing (iv. 9). cf. 1Co 11,7. So the IXth Article declares original sin to be, not the nature, which is good, but the “fault and corruption of the nature of every man;” in short the “image of God,” like the figts of God, as David in Browning’s “Saul” has it, “a man may waste, desecrate, never quite lose.” cf. p. 164 and note.

8 (Mt 1,21 Mt 1,

9 (Lc 2,11). tiktetai is substitued for etecqh, in addition to the omission of “a Saviour which is.” In this verse the mss. do not vary.

614 10 (Jn 1,1 Jn 1,

11 (Jn 1,3 Jn 1,

12 (Jn 1,4).

13 (Gn 6,3, lxx. and Marg. in R. V.

14 (Ga 1,15–17.

15 (Ps 65,2 Ps 65,

16 (Is 40,5 Is 40,

17 Ez. 18,4 and Ez. 18,20.

18 (Lv 5,1 Lv 5,

19 The reference seeing to be a loose combination of Numbers 9,13. with Dt 18,19).

20 Vide note on page 36.

21 emyucon).

615 22 oikonouian. cf. p. 72, note.

23 (
Jn 8,40 Jn 8, looseness of citation.

24 (Ac 2,22 Ac 2,

25 (Ac 17,30, Ac 17,31 Ac 17,

26 h oikoumenh means of course the Empire and the adjacent countries, the “orbis veteribus notus.”

27 I. Tim. 2,5, I. Tim. 2,6.

28 cf. Jb 9,33. “daysman betwixt us that might lay his hand upon us both.”

29 (Ga 3,19 Ga 3, Dt 5,5 Dt 5,

30 Exodus 7,1.

31 (Ex 7,1 Ex 7,

32 Hebrews 6,20.

616 33 Hebrews 7,1, Hebrews 7,2, Hebrews 7,3).

34 (
He 7,3,

35 The bearing of this on Theodoret’s relation to Nestorianism will be observed.

36 (Is 53,8,

37 (He 7,6,

38 (Gn 1,27,

39 (1Co 11,7).

40 Coloss. 1. 15.

41 Hebrews 7,3.

42 (Gn 4,25 Gn 4,

43 (Gn 5,5 Gn 5,

617 44 (He 6,20 He 6,

45 Tim. 2,5, Tim. 2,6.

46 oikonomia. Vide p. 72 n).

47 1 Tim 2,5.

48 (1Co 15,21 1Co 15,

49 (1Co 15,22 1Co 15,

50 (Ac 2,22 Ac 2,

51 (Ac 7,56

52 1 Peter 3,15.

53 (Ep 6,11 and Ep 6,13, and observe looseness of quotation.

54 (Ep 6,14 Ep 6,

618 55 (Jn 10,32 Jn 10,

56 (Jn 10,33 Jn 10,

57 (Jn 10,34, Jn 10,35, Jn 10,36, Jn 10,37, Jn 10,38 Jn 10, the variation in Jn 34, and the omission in Jn 38
58 (Mt 22,42 Mt 22,

59 (Mt 22,43 and Mt 22,44).

60 (Mt 20,31 Mt 20,

61 (Mt 15,22 Mt 15,

62 (Mt 21,9 Mt 21,

63 (Lc 19,40 Lc 19,

64 II. Tim. 2,8.

65 II. Tim. 2,9.

619 66 (Lc 24,39).

67 The metallic compound called electron is described by Strabo p. 146 as the mixed residuum, or scouring, (kaqarma) left after the first smelting of gold ore. Pliny (H. N. 33,23) describes it as containing 1 part silver to 4 gold. cf. Soph. Antig. 1038, and Herod. 1,50.

68 (Jn 1,1 Jn 1,

69 (Jn 1,3).

70 (Jn 1

71 (Mt 1,1 Mt 1,

72 (Lc 3,23 Lc 3,

73 (Mt 1,17 Mt 1,

74 (Mt 21,27 Mt 21, V. “We cannot tell.”

75 (Lc 2,51 Lc 2,

76 (Jn 2,4 Jn 2,

620 77 (Mt 22,42 Mt 22,

78 (Mc 6,1 Mc 6,

79 (Jn 8,58 Jn 8,

80 This, it will be remembered is the analogy employed in the “Quicunque vult.”

81 All through the argument there seems to be some confusion between the two senses of yuch as denoting the immortal and the animal part of man, and so between the yucikon and the pneumatikon. According to the Pauline psychology, (cf. in 1Co 15) the immortal and invisible could not be said to be proper to the swma yucikon. This “natural body” is a body of death (Rm 7,24) and requires to be redeemed (Rm 8,23) and changed into the “house which is from heaven.” (I1Co 5, 2). Something of the same confusion attaches to the common use of the word “soul” to which we find the language of Holy Scripture frequently accommodated. On the popular language of the dichotomy and the more exact trichotomy of I. Thess. 5,23 a note of Bp. Ellicott on that passage may well be consulted.

82 “zwon logikon qnhton.” The definition may be compared with those of—

Plato.—zwon apteron, dipoun, platuwnucon: o monon

twn ontwn episthmh" th" kata logou"

dektikon esti. Deff.

Aristotle.—politikon zwon. Pol. I. 2,9).

83 (Mt 26,39 Mt 26,

621 84 (Jn 12,27 Jn 12,

85 Consult note on page 72.

86 (Gn 3,8 Gn 3,

87 (Gn 18,21 Gn 18,

88 (Gn 22,12).

89 (Jn 10,18, Jn 10,17 Jn 10,

90 (Jn 12,27 Jn 12,

91 (Mt 26,38 Mt 26,

92 Psalm 16,10 and Ac 2,31.

93 (Is 1,13, Isaiah 1,14. Sept.

94 Daniel 9,18.

622 95 Ibid. Daniel 9,18.

96 (
Is 58,14 Is 58,

97 (Ps 119,73 Ps 119,

98 (Lc 2,40 Lc 2,

99 (Lc 2,52).

100 katapoqhnai i.e., was absorbed and made to disappear. Contrast the adsumptione Humanitatis in Deum (or "in Deo,’ as the older mss. read) of the Athanasian Creed.

101 The allusion is to the fable of Saturn devouring his children at their birth).

102 (Lc 2,12 and Lc 2,16 Lc 2,

103 (Mt 2,13 Mt 2,

104 (Lc 24,38, Lc 24,39 Lc 24,

105 (Mc 12,25 Mc 12,

623 106 (Ac 1,4 Ac 1,

107 (Ac 10,41 Ac 10,

108 (Mc 5,43 Mc 5,

109 (Jn 12,21).

110 (1Co 15,42, 1Co 15,43, 1Co 15,44 1Co 15,

111 Contrast Plato Gorgias §169 kateagota te ei tou hn melh h diestrammena zwnto" kai teqnewto" tauta endhla, and Virgil Aen. 6,494.

Atque hic Priamiden laniatum corpore toto

Deiphobum vidit lacerum crudeliter ora.

112 (Lc 24,39 Lc 24,

113 (1Co 15,53 1Co 15,

114 (Ac 17,31 Ac 17,

624 115 (Ac 1,11 Ac 1,

116 (Mt 26,64 Mt 26,

117 (Mt 25,31–33.

118 (Is 6,2 Is 6,

119 (Za 12,10).

120 (Ac 7,56 Ac 7,

121 (Ph 3,20, Ph 3,21 Ph 3, omission of “Christ.”

122 (Rm 8,17 Rm 8,

123 (Mt 5,14 Mt 5,

124 Malachi 4,2.

125 (Mt 13,43 Mt 13,

625 126 Probably the liqo" in the stone on the Draught Board. So panta kinein liqon is to make every effort in the game.

127 tou ontw" swmatw" antitupa esti ta qeia musthria. The view of Orthodoxus, it will be seen, is not that of the Roman confession. cf. note on p. 206).

128 proskuneitai.

129 (
He 13,8 He 13,

130 Ad Smyr. III.

131 The quotation is not from the canonical gospels. Eusebius (iii. 36) says he does not know from what source it comes. Jerome states it to be derived from the gospel lately translated by hm, the gospel according to the Hebrews (Vir. Ill. 2) Origen ascribes the words to the “Doctrina Petri.” (de Princ. Praef. 8) Bp. Lightfoot, by whom the matter is fully discussed, (Ap. Fath. pt. II. Vol. 2,p. 295) thinks that either Jerome, more suo, was forgetful, or had a different recension of the gospel to the Hebrews from that used by Origen and Eusebius, Ignatius may be quoting a verbal tradition. Bp. Lightfoot further points out that Origen (l. c). supposes the author of the Doctrina Petri to use this epithet aswaaton not in its philosophical sense (= incorporeal) but as meaning composed of some subtle substance and without a gross body like man. Further Origen (c. Cels. V. 5) warns us that to Christians the word daemon has a special connotation, in reference to the powers that deceive and distract men.

132 I. Jn 5,1.

133 (Is 27,6 Is 27,

134 Vide note on page 38).

135 The only fragment of this work.

136 Several fragments of this letter will be found in Dialogue III.

626 137 Coloss. 1,18.

138 Vide Jn 20,27 and Lc 24,39. The quotation confuses the words of the resurrection day and of the week after.

139 (
1Co 5,7 1Co 5, addition of o Qeo" has no authority.

140 Probably the cxixth Ps It is doubtful whether the work forms part of a Commentary on the Pss. or is quoted from a homily on this special Psalm).

141 The word feugein is not used of the Saviour in the Gospel. Joseph was bidden feuge ei" Aigupton. When our Lord was brought to the cliff overhanging Nazareth dielqwn dia mesou autwn eporeueto.

142 (Ps 24,Sept.

143 Proverbs 8,22. Sept.

144 Romans 8,29.

145 The original here is corrupt.

146 carakthr cf. He 1,3. I have used the equivalent given in A. V. for the Greek word of the text meaning literally stamp or impression, as on coin or seal, and to xact representation.

147 (Ph 3,20, Ph 3,21 Ph 3,

627 148 (Ga 4,4 Ga 4,

149 (Lc 2,22, Lc 2,24).

150 Oratio Secunda contra Arianos. Ben. Ed. I. 1. 538.

151 (Ps 110,1 Ps 110,

152 (Jr 23,24 Jr 23,

153 (1Co 11,24 1Co 11,

154 (Mt 26,28 Mc 14,24 Mc 14,

155 (Ac 2,22 Ac 2,

156 (Ph 2,9 Ph 2,

157 (Jn 7,39).

158 (Lc 1,38 Lc 1,

628 159 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

160 (Lc 24,39 Lc 24,

161 De incarnat. sacram. Chap. 6.

162 (Jn 10,30).

163 De Fide 2,Chap. 9.

164 Chap. 7.

165 (1Co 2,8 1Co 2,

166 (Jn 3,13 Jn 3,

167 Id. Chap. 9.

168 (1Co 2,4 1Co 2,

169 De Incarn. Sac. 6.

629 170 De incarn. sacram. Chap. 4.

171 “Offeras transfigurandum altaribus.” The Benedictine Editors, by a curious anachronism, see here a reference to transubstantiation. But metapoihsi", the word translated “transformation” implies no more than the being made to undergo a change, which may be a change in dignity without involving a change of substance. cf. pp. 200 and 201, where Orthodoxus distinctly asserts that the substance remains un changed. Transubstantiation, definitely declared an article of faith in 1215, seems to have been first taught early in the 9th c. Vide Bp. Harold Browne on Art. xxviii.

172 (
Gn 4,7 Gn 4,

173 Id. Chap. 6.

174 (Lc 1 Lc 35 Latin of the Benedictine edition of Ambrose is:—

Desinant ergo dicere naturam Verbi in Corporis naturam esse mutatam; ne pari interpretatione videatur natura Verbi in contagium mutata peccati. Aliud est enim quod assumpsit, et aliud quod assumptum est. Virtus venit in Virginem, sicut et Angelus ad eam dixit “quia Virtus Altissimi obumbrabit te.” Sed natum est corpus ex Virgine; et ideo coelestis quidem descensio, sed humana conceptio est. Non ergo eadem carnis potuit esse divinitatisque natura.

175 In the Greek text the last sentence is unintelligible and apparently corrupt. The translation follows the Latin text from which the version in the citation of Theodoret varies in important particulars. The Greek text of the quotation runs:—

Pausasqwsan toinon oi legonte" w" h tou Logou fusi" ei" sarko" metabeblhtai fusin: ina mh doxh metablhqeisa kata thn authn ermhneian gegenhsqai kai h tou Logou fusi" toi" tou qwmato" paqhmasi sumfqoro". (Eteron gar esti to proslabon kai eteron esti to proslhfqen. Dunami" hlqen epi thn parqenon, w" o aggelo" pro" authn legei oti Dunami" uyistou episkiasei soi: all ek tou swmato" hn th" Parqenou to tecqen: kai dia touto Qeia men h katabasi" h de sullhyi" anqrwpinh: ouk auth oun hdunato tou te swmato" pneuma kai th" qeothto" fusi".

176 Cf. Ph 2,16.

177 The passage quoted is not in the 43rd discourse de nova dominica but in the 40th on Holy Baptism.

178 (Ac 1,11 Ac 1,

630 179 Zechariah 12,10.

180 I1Co 4,16.

181 Here the text is corrupt).

182 Ephes. i 17.

183 I. Tim. 2,5.

184 (
Jn 4,24 Jn 4,

185 (Lc 24,39 Lc 24,

186 (Jn 14,28 Jn 14,

187 Coloss. 1,16, Coloss. 1,17.

188 (Ac 2,33 Ac 2,

189 (Ac 2,36 Ac 2,

190 Cf. Jn 1,2.

631 191 (Jn 14,28 Jn 14,

192 (Jn 5,19).

193 (Mt xix 26. Mc 10,27 Mc 10,

194 (1Co xv.

195 (Jn 14,9 Jn 14,

196 Hebrews 1,3.

197 (Mt 26,38 Mt 26,

198 Coloss. 1,15.

199 (Jn 10,18 Jn 10,

200 (Ph 2,7).

201 I1Co 5,20.

632 202 Ephes. 1,21.

203 Ephes. 2,7.

204 Cf. Lc 24,39. and Jn 20,27. and cf. note on page 235.

205 Ephes. 2,6.

206 Ephes. 2,5.

207 (
Jn 1 Jn 14). eskhnwsen.

208 skhnwsi").

209 Psalm 110,1.

210 (Gn 3,19 Gn 3,

211 (Ps 106,2 Ps 106,

212 (Mt 14,15, etc., Mc 6,35, etc., Lc 9,9, etc., Jn 6,5, etc.

633 213 (Jn 11,43 Jn 11,

214 (Mt 7,24 Jn 6,19 Jn 6,

215 This and another fragment in the Catena on St. Jn 19,443, is all that survives of the works of Antiochus of Ptolemais, an eloquent opponent of Chrysostom at Constantinople, and like him, said to have a “mouth of gold.”

216 Hilary of Poictiers, †a.d. 368. The treatise quoted is known as “de Trinitate,” and “contra Arianos,” as well as “de Fide.” The Greek of Theodoret differs considerably from the Latin. Of the first extract the original is nescit plane vitam suam nescit qui Christum Jesum ut verum Deum ita et verum hominem ignorat. Et ejusdem periculi res est, Christum Fesum vel Spiritum Deum, vel carnem nostri corporis denegare. Omnis ergo qui confitebitur me coram hominibus, confitebor et ego eum coram patre meo qui est in coelis. Qui autem negaverit me coram hominibus, negabo et ego eum coram patre meo, qui est in coelis. Haec Verbum caro factum loquebatur, et homo Jesus Christus dominus majestatis docebat; Mediator ipse in se ad salutem Ecclesiae constitutus et illo ipso inter Deum et homines mediatoris sacramento utrumque unus existeus, dum ipse ex unitis in idipsum naturis naturae utriusque res eadem est; ita tamen, ut neutro careret in utroque, ne forte Deus esse homo nascendo desineret, et homo rursus Deus manendo non esset. Haec itaque humanae beatitudinis fides vera est, Deum et hominem praedicare, Verbum et carnem confiteri: neque Deum nescire quod homo sit, neque carnem ignorare quod Verbum sit.

217 (Mt 10,32, Mt 10,33 Mt 10,

218 Natus igitur unigenitus Deus ex Virgine homo, el secundum plenitudinem temporum in semetipso provecturus in Deum hominem hunc per omnia evangelici sermonis modum tenuit, ut se filium Dei credi doceret, et hominis filium praedicari admoneret: locutus et gerens homo universa quae Dei sunt, loquens deinde et gerens Deus universa quae hominis sunit; ita tamen, ut ipso illo utriusque generis sermone numquam nisi cum significatione et hominis locutus et Dei sit; uno tamen Deo patre semper ostenso, et se in natura unius Dei per nativitatis veritatem professo: nec tamen se Deo patri non et filii honore et hominis conditione subdente: cum et nativitas omnis se referat ad auctorem, et caro se universa secundum Deum profiteatur infirmam. Hinc itaque fallendi simplices atque ignorantes haereticis occasio est, ut quae ab eo secundum hominem dicta sunt, dicta esse secundum naturae divinae infirmitatem mentiantur: et quia unus atque idem est loquens omnia quae loquitur de se ipso omnia eum locutum esse contendant.

Nec sane negamus, totum illum qui ejus manet, naturae suae esse sermonem. Sed si Jesus Christus et homo et Deus est; et neque cum homo, tum primum Deus: neque cum homo, tang non etiam et Deus; neque post hominem in Deo non totus homo totus Deus; unum atque idem necesse est dictorum ejus sacramentum esse, quod generis. Et cum in eo secundum tempus discernis hominem a Deo, Dei tamen atque hominis discerne sermonem. Et cum Deum atque hominem in tempore confiteberis, Dei atque hominis in tempore dicta dijudica. Cum vero ex homine et Deo rursus totius hominis, totius etiam Dei tempus intelligis, si quid illud ad demonstrationem ejus temporis dictum est, tempori coaptato quae dicta sunt: ut cum aliud sit ante hominem Deus, aliud sit homo et Deus, aliud sit post hominem et Deum totus homo totus Deus; non confundas temporibus; et generibus dispensationis sacramentum, cum pro qualitate generum ac naturarum, alium ei in sacramento hominis necesse est sermonem fuisse non nato, alium adhuc morituro, alium jam aeterno. Nostri igitur causa haec omnia Jesus Christus manens et corporis nostri homo natus secundum consuetudinem naturoe nostroe locutus est, non tamen omittens naturoe suae esse quod Deus est. Nam tametsi in partu ac passione ac morte naturoe nostroe rem peregit, res tamen ipsas omnes virtute naturoe suoe gessit.

219 (Ph 2,7 Ph 2,

220 Tract 78.

221 cf. p. 36. Here upostasi" = person.

222 Severianus, like Antiochus of Ptolemais, was moved to leave his remote diocese (Gabala is now Gibili, not far south of Latakia) to try his fortunes as a popular preacher at Constantinople: There he met with success, and was kindly treated by Chrysostom, but he turned against his friend, and was a prime agent in the plots against him. The date of his death is unknown.

634 223 Cf. p. 154, note. Atticus was a determined opponent of heresy as well as of Chrysostom.

224 Ep. 4,Ed. Aub. V. 2,23.

225 id. 6,157.

226 The word in the text is the famous qeotoko", the watchword of the Nestorian controversy. It may be doubtful whether either the English “Mother of God” or the Latin “Deipara” exactly represents the idea intended to be expressed by the subtler Greek. Even Nestorius did not object to the Qeotoko" when rightly understood. The explanation of the symbolum drawn up by Theodoret himself at Ephesus for presentation to the Emperor is “AEEna criston, ena uion, ena kurion omologoumen. kata tauthn: th" asugcutou enwsew" ennoian omologoumen thn agian, parqenon qeotokon, dia to ton qeon logon sapkwqhnai kai enanqrwphsai kai ex auth" th" sullhyew" enwsai eautw ton ex auth" lhfqenta vaon.” The great point sought to be asserted was, the union of the two Natures. Gregory of Nazianzus (li. 738) says (Ei ti" ou qeotokon thn Marian upolambanei cwri" esti th" Qeothto".

227 Here Cyril adopts the terms of the document given in the preceding note.

228 asugcutw" kai adiairetw". These adverbs recall the famous words of Hooker. Ecc. Pol. 5,54. 10.

“There are but four things which concur to make complete the whole state of our Lord Jesus Christ: his Deity, his manhood, the conjunction of both, and the distinction of the one from the other being joined in one. Four principal heresies there are which have in those things withstood the truth: Arians, by bending themselves against the Deity of Christ; Apollinarians, by maiming and misinterpreting that which belongeth to his human nature; Nestorians, by rending Christ asunder, and dividing him into two persons; the followers of Eutyches, by confounding in his person those natures which they should distinguish. Against these there have been four most famous ancient general councils: the council of Nice to define against Arians; against Apollinarians the Council of Constantinople; the councilor Ephesus against Nestorians; against Eutychians the Chalcedon Council. In four words, alhqw", telew", adiairetw", asugcutw", truly, perfectly, indivisibly, distinctly; the first applied to his being God, and the second to his being Man, the third to his being of both One, and the fourth to his continuing in that one Both: we may fully by way of Abridgement comprise whatsoever antiquity hath at large handled either in declaration of Christian belief, or in refutation of the foresaid heresies. Within the compass of which four heads, I may truly affirm, that all heresies which touch but the person of Jesus Christ, whether they have risen in these later days, or in any age heretofore, may be with great facility brought to confine themselves.”

229 Hebrews 2,14.

230 (
Jn 1,14).

231 (Jn 5,19 Jn 5,

232 (Ps 110,1 Ps 110,

635 233 (Ac 2,34).

234 (Da 7,10 Da 7,

235 (Ac 2,35 Ac 2,

236 (Ph 3,21 Ph 3,

237 (Jn 17,5).

1 (Gn 2,17 Gn 2,

2 The vena cava, by which the blood returns to the heart. The physiology of Eranistes would be held in the matn “orthodox” even now, and shews that Theodoret was well abreast of the science accepted before the discovery of the circulation of the blood).

3 (Mt 10,28 Mt 10,

4 (Mt 25,41).

5 (Mt 19,26 Mc 10,27 Mc 10,

6 (Jb 10,13, lxx.

7 (Jb 10,9–12.

636 8 (Jb 10,13, lxx).

9 C. f. note on Page 37. From the middle of the IIIrd century onward we find acceptation of the Pauline authorship Among writers who quote the Ep. as St. Paul’s are Cyril of Jerusalem, the two Gregories, Basil, and Chrysostom, as well as Theodoret.

10 (
He 6,18 He 6,

11 II. Tim. 2,11–13 I. Tim. ii. 11–13.

12 (Jn 3,16 Jn 3,

13 Romans 5,10.

14 cf. note on page 155.

15 (Gn 27,1 Gn 27,

16 (Am 7,12 Am 7,

17 I. Sam. 9,18).

18 (He 12,12 He 12, He 12,13 He 12,

637 19 (Jn 14,9 Jn 14,

20 (Jn 1,1 Jn 1,

21 (Jn 4,6).

22 (Is 40,28, Isaiah 40,29. cf. Sept.

23 (Is 40,31 Is 40,

24 (1Co 8,6 1Co 8,

25 The text of Jn 4,6 is kekopiakw" ekaqezeto, i.e., after being weary sate down). kopiwn ekafezeto would = “while being weary sate down.” The force of the passage seems to be that Scripture states our Lord to have been wearied once, — not to be wearied now; though of course in classical Greek legei (historicè) auton kopian might mean “said that he was in a state of weariness.”

26 (Rm 5,10 Rm 5,

27 (Ac 13,30 Ac 13,

28 (Ac 8,2 Ac 8,

29 (Gn 49,29 Gn 49,

638 30 (Gn 49,31 Gn 49,

31 “The Machpelah,” always in Hebrew with the article hl;peb]f'j'

 = “the double (cave).”

It is interesting to contrast the heathen idea, that the shadow goes to Hades while the self is identified with the body, with the Christian belief, that the self lives while the body is buried e.g. Homer (Il. 1,4) says that while the famous “wrath” sent many heroes’ souls to Hades, it made “them” a prey to dogs and birds. cf. 23,72. “yucai eidwla kamontwn.”

32 (Ac 12,2 Ac 12,

33 (Mt 10,28 Mt 10,

34 Vide note on Pages 37 and 220.

35 (He 2,11, He 2,12, He 2,13 He 2,

36 (He 2,14, He 2,15).

37 (Rm 5,15, Rm 5,16, Rm 5,17 Rm 5,

38 (Rm 5,18, Rm 5,19 Rm 5,

639 39 (1Co 15,20, 1Co 15,21, 1Co 15,22).

40 (Rm 13,32 Rm 13,

41 (Gn 22,16 Gn 22,

42 (Jn 8,56 Jn 8,

43 The sacrifice of Isaac so far as his father’s part in it is concerned is regarded as having actually taken place at the moment of his felt willingness to obey. In the interval of the journey to Mount Moriah Isaac is dead to his father.

44 upostasi".

45 proswpon.

46 It is to be noted that Theodoret thus apparently regards the divine image as consisting in the intelligence or logo". And in the implication that Isaac had the divine image he expresses the Scriptural view that this was marred, not lost, by the fall).

47 (He 10,1 He 10,

48 1Co 10,11.

49 (He 13,12 He 13,

50 4 Lv xvi.

640 51 (Jn 3,14, Jn 3,15 Jn 3,

52 (Jn 1,29, Jn 1,36 Jn 1,

53 (Is 53,7 Is 53,

54 I1Co 5,21.

55 (Ga 3,13 Ga 3,

56 (Mt 25,32 Mt 25,

57 (Ga 4,24 et seqq.

58 (Mt 28,6 Mt 28,

59 St. Thomas was buried at Edessa. Soc. 4,18, Chrys. Hom. in He 26.

60 Vide p. 96.

61 St. Stephen’s remains were said to have been found at Jerusalem, and widely dispersed. cf. Dict. Christ. Ant. II. 1929).

641 62 (Mt 27,57–60.

63 (Mc 15,42–46.

64 (
Lc 23,50 et Seqq.

65 (Jn 19,38–42.

66 (Mt 28,6 Mt 28,

67 (Dt 10,6 Dt 10,

68 I. Sam. 25,1.

69 (1Co 15,3, 1Co 15,4).

70 (1Co 15,12, 1Co 15,13, 1Co 15,17 1Co 15,

71 (1Co 15,21, 1Co 15,22 1Co 15,

72 (1Co 15,21 1Co 15,

642 73 I. Thess. 4,14.

74 I. Peter 4,1.

75 (
Mt 1,23).

76 I. Tim. 6,16).

77 (Mt 10,28 Mt 10,

78 (He 10,10 He 10,

79 (Jn 12,27 Jn 12,

80 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

81 (Jn 2,21, Jn 2,22 Jn 2,

82 (Jn 6,21).

83 (Mt 17,26 Mt 17, Mt 14,22 Mt 14, xxii. Mt 19 Mt 11,24 Mt 11,

643 84 (Lc 22,19 Lc 22,

85 (1Co 11,24 1Co 11,

86 (Mt 26,28 and Mc 14,24 Mc 14,

87 (Lc 24,39 Lc 24,

88 (Ac 2,29 et seqq. and Ps xvi. 10.

89 Ez. 37,7 et seqq).

90 (1Co 2,8 1Co 2,

91 (Ga 1,19 Ga 1,

92 (1Co 2,8).

93 (Jn 6,62 Jn 6,

94 (Jn 3,13 Jn 3,

644 95 (He 13,8 He 13,

96 (1Co 2,8 1Co 2,

97 (Jn 10,33 Jn 10,

98 Vide note on page 72).

99 See the Creed as published by the Council. p. 50.

100 The quotation is not quite exact, “AEEucaristia" kai prosfora" ouk apodecontai” being substituted for eucaristia" kai proseuch" apecontai. Bp. Lightfoot (Ap. Fath. II. 2,307) notes, “the argument is much the same as Tertullian’s against the Docetism of Marcion (adv. Mc 4,40), ‘Acceptum panem et distributum discipulis corpus suum illum fecit. Hoc est corpus meum dicendo, id est figura mei corporis. Figura autem non fuisset, nisi veritatis esset corpus, ceterum vacua res quod est phantasma, figuram capere non posset.0’ The Eucharist implies the reality of Christ’s flesh. To those who deny this reality it has no meaning at all; to them Christ’s words of institution are false; it is in no sense the flesh of Christ.” Cf. Iren. 4,18, 5.

101 (1Co 15,12 1Co 15,

102 (1Co 15,21 1Co 15,

103 (Rm 14,15 Rm 14,

104 Ephes. 2,13. Observe slight differences).

105 (Ga 3,13 and Dt 21,23 Dt 21,

645 106 (1Co 15,20 1Co 15,

107 Coloss. 1,18.

108 cf. Lc 24,39. And for the application of these words to St. Thomas cf. page 210.

109 The effusion of water and blood is now well known to have been a natural consequence of the “broken heart.” On the rupture of the heart the blood fills the pericardium, and then coagulates. The wound of the lance gave passage to the collected blood and serum. cf. Dr. Stroud’s “Physical Cause of the Death of Christ,” first published in 1847.

110 (Pr 8,22, lxx.

111 i.e. literally, try not to lay hold of me.

112 (Jn 20,17 Jn 20,

113 (Ac 2,36).

114 (Jn 10,18 Jn 10,

115 (Rm 9,5 Rm 9,

116 (Is 53,2, Isaiah 53,3. Sept.

646 117 (Is 53,3 Is 53, .

118 The quotation seems to be a confusion between Ac 2,24, and Ac 13,29. Sic in Athan. Ed. Migne. II. 1030.

119 (Jn 3,19 Jn 3,

120 But “after his resurrection” appears to qualify the statement “arose” as well as “appeared” in Mt xxviii. 53.

121 Hebrews 4,12.

122 Malachi 3,6.

123 (Jn 10,18 Jn 10,

124 (Ac 13,30 Ac 13,

125 (Jn 2,19 and Jn 2,21 Jn 2,

126 (Jn 5,26).

127 (He 2,14 He 2,

647 128 This passage is not found in the discourse on the Incarnation, but a similar passage occurs in the third oration against the Arians. Ed. Ben. p. 606.

129  Ps 16,10.

130 Epist. 3,Ad Paulinum.

131 (
Mt 10,28 Mt 10,

132 cf. note on p. 72.

133 (Ac 2,36).

134 cf. He 5,8.

135 (Is 63,1).

136 (Jn 5,24 Jn 5,

137 (Jn 14,28 Jn 14,

138 (Mt 26,39 Mt 26,

648 139 (Ac 2,36 Ac 2,

140 (Ac 2,24 Ac 2, citation is loose.

141 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

142 (Jn 5,19 Jn 5,

143 I. Cor 15,53. Observe the inaccuracy of the quotation.

144 The Latin translator, as though observing the apparent impropriety of the epithet, here renders qeion “sanctissimum.”

145 (Ps 16,10 Ps 16,

146 (Jn 5,17

147 (Jn 2,18 Jn 2,

148 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

149 (Jn 2,21 Jn 2,

649 150 cf. I1Co 3,6.

151 (
Mt 26,39).

152 Eusebius, bishop of Emesa (now Hems, where Heliogabalus received the purple, and Aurelian defeated Zenobia) c. 341–359 is called by Jerome “Signifer Arianoe factionis.” Chron. sub ann. x Constantii. Theodoret also mentions writings of his against Apelles (Haer. fab. 1,25)).

153 (Jn 6,51 Jn 6,

154 (Lc 23,46 Lc 23,

155 (Lc 23,46 Lc 23,

156 Romans 8,32.

157 (Jn 6,51 Jn 6,

158 (Lc 23,46).

159 i.e. Paul of Samosata.

160 twn ontwn in the original; lit: of the things that are, which might have an orthodox interpretation, tho’ strictly speaking there is no such thing as “to onÉ” there is only “own,” i.e. God. But Schulze is no doubt right in explaining twn ontwn here to refer to created things.

650 161 (Ac 20,26).

1 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

2 skhnoun and skhnoumenon.

3 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1, argument rather requires the rendering “dwelt in us,” which is that of the Rheims Version). “In nobis qui caro sumus.” Bengel. But see Alford in loc.

4 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

5 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

6 (Jn 1,5).

7 (Ps 145,21 Ps 145,

8 Hebrews 2,16.

9 Psalm 132,11.

10 (Ac 2,30).

651 11 Hebrews 4,15.

12 cf. note on page 164.

13 Psalm 121,4.

14 (Is 40,28, lxx.

15 (
Jn 4,6 Jn 4,

16 When Paul was brought into the castle the Lord stood by him and said, “Be of good cheer Paul” (Ac xxiii. 11). “Fear not Paul” was said when he was being exceedingly tossed in the tempest (Ac 27,24).

17 (Lc 22,44 Lc 22,

18 (Lc 24,39).

19 (Ac 7,55 Ac 7,

20 (Mt 26,64 Mt 26,

21 Exodus 33,20.

652 22 (Ac 1,11 Ac 1,

23 (Jn 16,15 Jn 16,

24 (Jn 6,51 Jn 6,

25 (Jn 10,14 Jn 10, Jn 10,15 Jn 10,

26 Coloss. 1,18.

27 (1Co 15,20).

28 I. Pet. 1,1.

29 (Lc 23,46 Lc 23,

30 (Lc 23,46 Lc 23,

31 (Mc 15,39 Mc 15,

32 (Mt 27,50 Mt 27,

653 33 (Jn 19,30 Jn 19,

34 (Col 2,14).

1 (Is 3,3 Is 3,

2 Irenaeus, Count of the Empire and afterwards bishop of Tyre, was a friend and frequent correspondent of Theodoret. He was deposed at the Latrocinium in 449. cf. Epp. XII, XVI, XXXV.

3 (1Co 4,5 1Co 4,

4 (1Co 9,20, 1Co 9,21 1Co 9,

5 (Mt 10,23).

6 The word in the text for basket is sarganh, a basket of twisted work (grv

) commonly rope — the word used by St. Paul himself in I1Co 11,33. In Ac 9,25 St. Lc writes en spuridi, spuri" (? speirw) being the large rope basket of Mt 15,37, and distinguished from the kofino" of Mt 14,20 and of Juvenal III. 14, “Judoeis quorum cophinus foenumque supellex,” and VI. 542.

7 (Ac 23,6 Ac 23,

8 (Ac 22,25 Ac 22,

654 9 “Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirat?” Virg Aen. 2,390.

10 (
Ac 25,11 Ac 25,

11 (Ac 12,12, etc.

12 (Ex 2,11 etc.

13 I. Kings 19,1 etc.

14 (Mt 4,6 Mt 4,

15 (Mt 26,41 Mt 26,

16 (Lc 11,4).

17 Probably the condemnation referred to is the imperial Edict of March 449 relegating Theodoret to the limits of his own diocese. cf. Epp. 79. 80).

18 Vide note on Letter III.

19 (Jb 40,3, lxx.

655 20 On the wine of Lesbos cf. Hor. Car. i. 17, “innocentis pocula Lesbii Aulus Gellius tells the story how Aristotle, when asked to nominate his successor, and wishing to point out the superiority of Theophrastus to Menedemus, called first for a cup of Rhodian, and then of Lesbian, and after sipping both, exclaimed huiwn o Lesbio". Nact. Att. 13,5).

21 (
Gn 3,19 Gn 3,

22 Wisdom 7,6.

23 The virtues specified are (i) eleuqeria; (ii) misoponhria; and (iii) praoth".

The more classical Greek for eleuqeria, the character of the eleuqero", was eleuqerioth", eleuqeria being used for freedom, or license; Vide Arist. Eth. Nic. 4,1.

The misoponhro" is a hater of knavery, as in Dem. 584, 12.

On the high character of the prao" cf. Aristotle. Eth. Nic. 4,5. and Archbp. Trench, synonyms of the N. T. p. 148.

24 (1Co 2,9 1Co 2,

25 I. Thess. 4,13).

26 (Ps 146,9 Ps 146,

27 (Is 49,15 Is 49,

656 28 i.e. confinement to the limits of his own diocese by the decree of March, 440.

29 cf. note on p. 261. Nothing is known of this Silvanus.

30 (
Gn 2,24 Gn 2,

31 (Jb 1,21 Jb 1,

32 cf. Epp. iii, xii, and xxxv.

33 Homer II. 16,3,kakon kakw esthrikto. For Theodoret’s knowledge of Homer cf. pp. 104 and 258.

34 (1Co 10,13 1Co 10,

35 I. Sam. xvii.

36 Judges 15,16).

37 This letter appears to be written shortly before the meeting of the Robber Synod in 449.

38 (Gn 2,24).

657 39 (Gn 3,19 Gn 3,

40 On praoth" vide note on p. 254.

41 (Rm 8,18 Rm 8,

42 (Rm 8,35 Rm 8, Rm 8,36 Rm 8,

43 (Rm 8,37 Rm 8,

44 (Rm 8,38 Rm 8, Rm 8,39 Rm 8,

45 erwto". The use of this word in this connexion is in contrast with the spirit of the writers of the N. T., in which erw" and its correlatives never appear).

46 Apol. Soc. 18,eme men gar ouden an blayeien oute Melhto" oute [Anuto", oude gar an dunaito.

47 I.e. Demosthenes who belonged to Paeania a demus of Attica on the eastern slope of Hymettus, and so was called o IIaianeu".

48 Demosth. de Cor. 258.

The sentiment finds various expression in ancient writerse.g. Euripides, in a fragment of the lost “Aegeus,”

658 Katqanein dv ofeiletai

kai tw katAE oikou" ekto" hmenw ponwn.

and Propertius El. III. 10.

Ille licet ferro cautus se condat et oere,

Mors tamen inclusum protrahit inde caput.

49 Thucydides II. 64,3). ferein te crh ta te daimonia anagkaiw", ta te apo twn polemiwn andreiw".

The quotation is from the speech of Pericles to the Athenians in b.c. 430 in which he encourages and soothes them under adversity.

50 Homer Od. 20,17. (Chapman’s Translation). cf. notes on pp. 104, 255, 258, 259, and 260).

51 Garnerius dates this letter in Sept. or Oct., 449.

52 Nothing more seems to be known either of Ulpianus or of this Athanasius.

53 Areobindas was consul in 434, and died, according to Marcellinus, in 449.

659 54 Hom. II. VI. 484, cf. quotations from Homer pp. 104, 255, 258, 259, 260.

55 It is to Andreas of Samosata that Theodoret addressed the famous letter on the errors of Cyril numbered 162. He is mentioned by Athanasius Sinaita).

56 (
Pr 27,1 Pr 27,

57 The name Celestinianus varies in the mss. with Celestiacus. Theodoret’s letter in his behalf may be placed shortly after the sack of Carthage by Genseric in 439.

58 Christian Sophist of Cyrus. cf. Letter LXVI.

59 This passage is corrupt, and I cannot discover the quotation. There may not impossibly be a reference to Hom. Od. 17,345.

60 Hom. Od. 7,

61 cf Epp. 80 - 110 - 112).

62 Bp. of the Syrian Beroea. He succeeded Acacius in 437. cf. Ep. 134.

63 Titus 3. 14.

64 i.e. The Syrian Beroea, Aleppo or Haleb.

660 65 The title Primas was applied in civil Law to (a) the Decuriones of a municipality, and (b) to the chiefs of provincial governments Cod. Theod. 7,18. 13, 9,40. 16 etc.

66 cf. Horace I. 34,14 and III xxix 52 “nunc mihi nunc alii benigna.”

67 i.e. of Tyre.

68 i.e. of the Euphratensis.

69 Colophon was one of the twelve Ionian cities founded by Mopsus on the coast of Asia Minor and was one of the claimants for being the birthplace of Homer. To put a colophon to anything became a proverbial expression for to put the crowning touch. to complete — from the fact according to Strabo (C. 643) that the Colophonian cavalry was so excellent as at once to decide and finish a battle in which it appeaed. So the place and date of the edition of a book, with the device of the printer, appended to old editions is called a colophoa).

70 topothrhth", vicarius, or lieutenant, is used of “Vicars” both civil and ecclesiastical.

71 In Vatican ms. to Salustianus. The mention of the earthquake fixes the date of this letter in 447, a year when the Huns were ravaging the eastern empire.

72 Psalm 94,14.

73 This and the five following letters may be placed in 446, after the promulgation of the law of Theodosius “de relevatis, adoeratis, vel donatis possessionibus” late in 445).

74 i.e., 28,800 sq. ft). “jugum vocant quod juncti bores uno die exarare possint.” Varro R. R. 1,10.

75 For many years Prefect of the East.

661 76 Presumably the Jacobus of Relig. Hist. XXI, an ascetic disciple of Maro.

77 Vide p. 155 n.

78 The delator referred to in these letters is presumably Athanasius of Perrha, who was deposed by Domnus II bishop of Antioch, in the middle of the fifth century. As Titlemont points out (Vol. XV. pp. 261–3 ed. 1740) we cannot make the identification with certainty, but the circumstances correspond with what is known of this Athanasius. There was a Perrha, now Perrin, about twenty miles north of Samosata (Samisat).

79 From the time of the Emperor Constantine the title patrician designated a high court functionary.

80 Cf. note on page 262.

81 Cf. note page 107).

82 To the same Florentius is addressed the important letter LXXXIX wherein Theodoret defends himself from charges of heterodoxy. Before 449 he had six times attained the high position of Prefect of the East.

83 i.e. the ascetic mentioned in letter XLI.

84 Anatolius, consul in 440, was Magister militum in the East. He was a true friend to Theodoret. This letter may be placed in 444.

85 Proclus was enthroned at Constantinople in 434, on the death of Maximianus).

86 Eustathius of Berytus (Beyrout) was a bad specimen of the time-serving ecclesiastic. Fierce in his attacks on Ibas, and a prominent member of the Latrocinium in 449 he narrowly escaped deposition himself at Chalcedon in 451.

662 87 At Chalcedon Damianus of Sidon voted for the deposition of Dioscorus. (Labbe Conc. IV. 443). In this and in the preceding letter we find Theodoret in friendly communication with representatives of the two antagonistic parties. The date of the correspondence can only be conjectured.

88 All that is known of Gerontius is his being the recipient of the letter. “Archimandrite” = arcwn th" mandra", i.e. ruler of the fold or byre.

89 Neither Agapius nor the bishop mentioned in this letter can be identified.

Fathers' Historical writings 538