Fathers' Historical writings 687

687 360 Psalm 37,20.

361 Psalm 72,18, 19.

362 Romulus, bishop of Chalcis in Coele Syria, sided with the dominant haeretical party through pusillanimity. He was at Chalcedon in 451. Who may have been his crab.gaited friend can only be conjectured.

It would appear that edicts anathematizing Eutyches were published soon after the accession of Marcian.

363 I. Kings 20,42).

364 There is here neither note of time, nor certainty whether this Cyrus is the Cyrus who is thanked in Ep. XIII. for the Lesbian wine. The superscriptions of both letters are unfavourable to theories identifying him with any possible bishop of the name.

365 Romans 12,15.

366 (Jb 1,21, lxx.

367 Wisdom 4,Wisdom ii.

368 A Johannes was an Archimandrite of Constantinople and was present at Chalcedon in 451, (Labbe 4,512 d) but there is no evidence to identify the recipient of the present letter, which may be dated from Nicerte not long after the death of Theodosius.

369 Psalm 78,65 and 66).

688 370 This is the last of the series of Theodoret’s letters to his illustrious friend. It expresses his gratitude for his restitution by Marcian and begs Anatolius to use his best endeavours to get a council called to settle the difficulties of the Church. The letter thus dates itself in the year 451 and indicates that the calling of the council of Chalcedon was to some extent due to Theodoret’s initiative. At the earlier sessions at Chalcedon Marcian was represented by Anatolious, and it was partly the authority of Anatolius which overbore the protests of Dioscorus and his party against the admission of Theodoret.

371 Marcian was crowned Emperor on August the 24th 450. Theodosius II. had died on the preceding 28th of July.

372 “Dioscorus presided, and next to him Julian, or Julius, the representative of the ‘most holy bishop of the Roman Church0’ then Juvenal of Jerusalem, Domnus of Antioch, and, his lowered position indicating what was to come, Flavian of Constantinople.” Canon Bright in Dict. Christ. Biog. 1,856; Mansi. 6,607.

373 (
Ph 1,29 Ph 1,

374 cf. p. 155 n. “A sudden and total revolution at once took place. The change was wrought, — not by the commanding voice of ecclesiastical authority, — not by the argumentative eloquence of any great writer, who by his surpassing abilities awed the world into peace, — not by the reaction of pure Christian charity, drawing the conflicting parties together by evangelic love. It was a new dynasty on the throne of Constantinople. The feeble Theodosius dies; the masculine Pulcheria, the champion and the pride of orthodoxy, the friend of Flavianus and Leo ascends the throne, and gives her hand, with a share of the empire, to a brave soldier Marcianus.” Milman, Lat. Christ. 1. 264).

375 Garnerius has substituted for Aspar the name Abienus who was Consul in 450. Schulze would retain the ordinary reading of Aspar. The recipient of the letter, whoever he be, is thanked for his part in the rescinding of the acts of the late Latrocinium.

376 The internal evidence of the letter makes it synchronize with the preceding. The advocacy of the cause of Theodoretus by Vincomalus is the more striking in that it does not appear to have been suggested by personal friendship. Vincomalus was Consul Designate in 452. (Dict. Christ. Biog. 4,1159. Labbe 4,843)). Magister = “Magister Officiorum,” cf. note on p. 283.

377 (Mt 18,17).

378 (Mt 5,45 Mt 5,

379 The Acoemetae, “sleepless,” or “unresting,” were an order of monks established in the 5th century by Alexander, an officer of the imperial household. Marcellus, the third Abbot, was a second founder, and was warmly supported by the patriarch Gennadius of Constantinople. (458–71). Before Chalcedon he joined with other orthodox abbots to petition Marcian against Eutyches. (Labbe 4,531 Dict. Christ. Biog. 3,813). Alexander’s foundation was of 300 monks of various nations, divided into six choirs, and so arranged that the work of praise and prayer should “never rest.” This has been copied elsewhere and since,

“where tapers day and night

689 On the dim altar burned continually,

In token that the house was evermore

Watching to God.

Wordsworth, Exc. viii.

380 (
Mt 16,18 Mt 16,

381 (Ph 1,29 Ph 1,

382 (Jn 8,44).

383 (Mt 5,11, Mt 5,12 Mt 5,

384 Garnerius identifies this Andrew with an archimandrite who was in favour of the deposition of Eutyches at Flavian’s Constantinopolitan Council in 448.

385 “No one,” says Garnerius “will have any doubt as to the reference being to Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodorus of Mopsuestia who compares the words used with Letter XVI, with the end of Dialogue I, and with expressions in both the ecclesiastical and religious history.” Cf. pp. 256, 175, 133, and 136.

386 From the mention at the end of the letter of the epistle of Leo to Flavianus, Garnerius argues that it must be dated at the end of 449 or somewhat later. The epistle of Leo is dated on the 13th of June and could not have reached Theodoret in his detention at Cyrus till the autumn.

690 387 (Lc 6,30).

388 Malachi 3,6.

389 (Ps 102,27 Ps 102,

390 (Mt 28,6 Mt 28,

391 (Ac 8,2 Ac 8,

392 (Gn 49,29 Gn 49,

393 (Gn 49,31 Gn 49,

394 Cf. note onp. 30 3. Among martyred Dionysii were (i) one of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, (ii) one at Tripoli (iii) another at Corinth, (iv and v) and two at Caesarea, in the persecution of Diocletian. Cosmas and Damianus are the famous semi-mythical physicians, the Silverless Martyrs. Vide p. 295.

395 Matthew 28,6).

396 Damas. Epist. ad Paulinum.

397 Leo Epist. ad Flavianum.

691 398 Hebrews 6,18.

399 II. Tim. 2,13.

400 II. Tim. 2,14.

401 (
Mt 25,23 Mt 25,

402 This, remarks Garnerius, is less a letter than a prolix exposition of Theodoret’s view of the Incarnation. Theodoret mentions his condemnation at the Latrocinium and the exile of Eutyches, but says nothing of the favourable action towards himself of Marcianus. Theodosius died on the 29th of July, and Marcian began his reign on the 25th of August, 450. Theodoret could not possibly hear of the exile of Eutyches before the end of September. The document may therefore be dated in the late autumn of 450 before Theodoret had received the imperial permission to return to Cyrus.

403 (Jn 15,20 Jn 15,

404 (Mt 10,25 Mt 10,

405 (Mt 10,26 Mt 10,

406 (Ps xcvi. 13).

407 mustagwgounte". mustagwgew came ultimately to equal “baptize.” The word and its correlatives had long passed out of special mystic use. In Cicero a mustagwgo" is a “Cicerone” (Verr. 4,59) and Strabo uses mustagwgein for to be a guide. (812).

408 Reference appears to be made here to offices at the 3d, 6th, and 9th hours, and to morning and evening services, without specification of their number.

409 Ephes. 4,5.

692 410 (1Co 8,6 1Co 8,

411 i.e. the life common to man with animals and plants. cf. p. 194 n.

412 (Gn 2,7 Gn 2,

413 (Mt 10,28).

414 (Ac 2,30 and Ac 2,31 Ac 2, xvi. Ac 10
415 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

416 (Jn 10,18 Jn 10, Jn 10,17 Jn 10, the inversion and inexactitude.

417 (Jn 10,17 and Jn 10,15 Jn 10,

418 (Jn 12,27 Jn 12,

419 (Mt 26,38 Mt 26,

420 (Jn 6,51 Jn 6,

693 421 (1Co 11,24 1Co 11, 1Co 26,28 1Co 26, it is to noticed that for St. Paul’s word klwmenon, i. broken,” Theodoret substitutes qruptomenon, i. crushed,” or “broken small,” verb not used by the evangelists. And the clause “for the remission of sins” is misplaced.

422 (Mt xxvi 28.

423 (Jn 6,53 Jn 6,

424 (Jn 6,54 Jn 6,

425 Cf. note on page 302).

426 (Ph 3,20 and Ph 3,21 Ph 3,

427 (Mt 16,28 Mt 16, variation. The mss. agree.

428 Cf. Mt 37,1, 2.

429 (Ac 1,11 Ac 1,

430 Cf. p. 199. n.

431 Bel and the Dragon. 36).

694 432 (1Co 15,42 1Co 15, 1Co 15,43 1Co 15,

433 I. Thess. 4,17.

434 (Ex 23,1 Ex 23,

435 (Dt 1,16 Dt 1,

436 Cf. note on page 288. This letter, or rather doctrinal statement is incomplete. Garnerius supposes it to have been written during Theodoret’s retirement after the Council of Chalcedon. There he cut himself off from society and wished to devote himself to study and contemplation).

437 (1Co 8,6 1Co 8,

438 I. Thess. 3,11.

439 II. Thess. 2,16, II. Thess. ii. 17.

440 Romans 15,30.

441 (1Co 1,10 1Co 1,

442 I1Co 13. 14.

443 Romans 1,1.

695 444 (1Co 1,1 1Co 1,

445 Titus 1,1.

446 Romans 1,7).

447 Romans 16,4.

448 (Mt 1,21 Mt 1,

449 (Dt 8,15 Dt 8,

450 Psalm 112,4.

451 Hebrews 7,21.

452 Hebrews 4,14.

453 Psalm 45,6.

454 Psalm 45,7.

696 455 Psalm 2,6, 7, 8, LXX.

456 Psalm 2,1, Psalm 2,2.

457 (
Mt 16,16 Mt 16,

458 It will be observed that our author omits the verse containing the famous paronomasia, and that what he regards the Saviour as confirming is not any supposed authority on the part of the speaker but the identification of Himself with the Christ and of the Christ with the Son of the living God.

459 (1Co 3,10, 1Co 3,11 1Co 3,

460 (Ga 2,19 Ga 2,

461 (Ph 1,21 Ph 1,

462 (1Co 2,2 1Co 2,

463 (1Co 1,23, 1Co 1,24 1Co 1,

464 (Ga 1,15, Ga 1,16).

465 Romans 1,1–4.

466 Romans 9,5.

467 Titus 2,13.

697 468 Ephes. 5,5. Here the A. V. rather obscures the force of the original. The R. V. alters to “in the kingdom of Christ and God,” but even this hardly brings out Theodoret’s views of en th basileia tou Cristou kai Qeou, “in the kingdom of the Christ and God.” The mss. do not vary. At the same time it will be borne in mind that the anarthrous use of “Qeo"” is not infrequent, and that some commentators (cf. Alford ad loc.) would hesitate to ground on this passage the argument of the text. The reading of a

 and B in Jn 1,18 “o monogenh" Qeo"” is significant.

469 (
Lc 2,11 Lc 2,

470 (Gn 6,2 Gn 6,

471 Exodus 4,22.

472 (Dt 32,43, lxx.

473 (Is 1,2 Is 1,

474 Psalm 82,6.

475 Romans 8,14–17.

476 (Ga 4,6 Ga 4, Ga 4,7 Ga 4,

477 Ephes. 1,4. Ephes 1,5. Observe the position of “in love” which agrees with the margin of R. V.

698 478 Psalm 50,1, lxx.

479 Psalm 82,6.

480 Exodus 2,28.

481 Jeremiah 10,11.

482 This seems to be an inaccurate quotation of Baruch 6,11. cf. p. 165 n.

483 (
Is 44,16 Is 44,

484 (Is 44,17 Is 44,

485 (Is 44,20, lxx.

486 Psalm xcvi. 5).

487 (1Co 8,5 1Co 8, 1Co 8,6 1Co 8,

488 Psalm 146,4.

699 489 Song of the three holy children 63.

490 Psalm 104,4.

491 (
Mt 12,43 Mt 12, Mt 11,26 Mt 11, difference of tense and variation.

492 Ephes. 3,14. R. V. marg. It will be seen that the argument of Theodnret does not admit of the translation “whole family” as in A. V.

493 I1Co 11,2.

494 Ephes. 5,25.

495 Ephes. 5,31. Ephes 5,32.

496 (Ga 3,13 Ga 3,

497 (Rm 6,3 Rm 6,

498 (Rm 3,27 Rm 3,

499 (Rm 13,14 Rm 13,

700 500 Canticles 2,16. Canticles 2,3.

501 (
Ac 11,26 Ac 11, word seems to have been in the first instance nickname fastened by the heathen populace of Antioch on the followers of Christ, who still continued to style themselves the ‘disciples0’ or the ‘saints0’ or the ‘brethren0’ or the ‘believers,0’ and the like. The biting gibes of the Antiochene populace which stung to the quick successive emperors — Hadrian, M. Aurelius, Severus, Julian — would little disposed to spare the helpless adherents of this new ‘superstition.0’ Objection indeed has been taken to the Antiochene origin of the name on the ground that the termination is Roman, like Pompeianus, Caesarianus, and the like. But this termination, if it was Latin, was certainly Asiatic likewise, as appears from such words as AEAsiano", baktriavo", Sardiano", Tralliano", AEAreiano", Menandrtavo", Sabelliano". The next occurrence of the word in Christian document is on the occasion of St. Paul’s apearance before Festus (a.d. 60). It is not however put in the mouth of believer, but occurs in the scornful jest of Agrippa, ‘With but little persuasion thou wouldest fain make me Christian0’ (Ac 26,28). The third and last example occurs few years later. In the first Epistle of St. Peter, presumably about , the Apostle writes ‘Let not any of you suffer as murderer or thief …but if (he suffers) as Christian, let him not ashamed but glorify God0’ (iv. 15). Here again the term is not the Apostle’s own, but represents the charge brought against the believers by their heathen accusers. In the New Testament there is no indication that the name was yet adopted by the disciples of Christ as their own. Thus Christian documents again confirm the statement of Tacitus that as early as the Neronian persecution this name prevailed, and the same origin also is indirectly suggested by those notices, which he directly states — not ‘qui sese appellabant Christianos0’ but ‘quos vulgus appellabat Christianos.0’ It was gibe of the common people against ‘the brethren.0’” Bp. Lightfoot Ap. Fathers, II. Ap 1 Ap 417
502 (Is 65,15, 16, lxx).

503 (Ac 2,38 Ac 2, substituted for “repent.”

504 i.e. of Caesarea. The Cappadocian Caesarea originally called Mazaca is still Kasaria.

505 (He 4,14 He 4, the opinion of the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews cf. note on page He 37 Alexandrian view is shewn to have affected the Eastern Church. For the reading “Jesus Christ” instead of Jesus the Son of God on which Theodoret’s argument depends there is no manuscript authority.

506 (He ix, 24.

507 (He vi, 19, He vi, 20.

508 Titus ii, 13. Cf. note on page 319 on the passage Ephes. v, 5. Here, however, the position of the article is in favour of the interpretation “Jesus Christ, the great God and our Saviour” which was generally adopted by the Greek orthodox Fathers in their controversy with the Arians and by the majority of ancient and modern commentators. But see Afford ad loc. for such arguments as may be adduced in favour of taking swthr as anarthrous like Qeo".

509 1Th 1. 9, I Thess 1. 10.

510 1Th 3,12, I Thess 3,13.

511 I1Th 2,1.

512 I1Th 2,8.

701 513 Romans 14,10. Romans 14,16.

514 (
Mt 24,23 and Mt 24,27 Mt 24,

515 (Jn 1,18 Jn 1, “no man” of A. V. does not admit of Theodoret’s argument.

516 (Ex xxxiii 20, lxx). oudei" oyetai.

517 I1Co 5,16.

518 (1Co 5,17 1Co 5,

519 I1Co 5,4.

520 (1Co 15,53 1Co 15,

521 Phil 3,20, Phil 3,21.

522 (Ep 1,9, Ep 1,10 Ep 1,

523 (Rm 16,25, Rom 16,26, Rom xvi. 27.

702 524 (Ep 3,20, Ep 3,21 Ep 3,

525 (Ep 3,14 Ep 3, V.

526 (Ep 5,20 Ep 5,

527 (Ph 4,19 Ph 4,

528 (He 13,20, He 13,21 He 13,

529 II. Tim. 4,1.

530 I. Tim. 6,13. 1Tm 6,14. Tim. vi. 15. I Tim 6,16.

531 (Mt 1,1).

532 The following letters omitted in the volume of Sirmondus have been published in the Auctarium of Garnerius and elsewhere. The following letter number CXLVII is the CXXVth in all the manuscripts. Schulze remarks that he would have replaced it in its own rank but for the confusion which would thus have been introduced in quotation. John, bishop of Germanicia is also the recipient of Letter CXXXIII. This is written a few days after the former, late in 449 or at the beginning of 450.

533 i.e. the twelve articles or chapters couched in the form of anathema against the heads of Nestorian doctrine, appended to Cyril’s third letter to Nestorius.

534 It has been pointed out before (Page 293) that at the Latrocinium Domnus was compelled to yield his presidential seat as Patriarch of Antioch, Dioscorus presiding, the Roman legate sitting second, and Juvenal of Jerusalem third. “Cowed by the dictatorial spirit of Dioscorus and unnerved by the outrageous violence of Barsumas and his band of brutal monks he consented to revoke his former condemnation of Eutyches.” “This cowardly act of submission was followed by a still baser proof of weakness, the condemnation of the venerable Flavian. Dioscorus having thus by sheer intimidation obtained his ends revenged himself for their former opposition to his wishes upon those whose cowardice had made them the instruments of his nefarious designs, and proceeded to mete out to them the same measure they had dealt to Flavian. Domnus was the last to be deposed. The charges alleged against him were his reported approval of a Nestorian sermon preached before him at Antioch by Theodoret, on the death of Cyril, and some expressions in letters written by him to Dioscorus condemning the obscure character of Cyril’s anathematisms.”

703 535 Canon Venables in Dic. Chris. biog. vol 1. p. 879. i.e. wild nomad tribes who live in waggons (amaxobioi). These Horace (Car. 3,24, 10) takes as a better type of character than wealthy villa-builders;—

Campestres melius Scythoe

Quorum plaustra vagas rite trahunt domos


536 Bishop of Antioch in Pisidia. He was of the orthodox party and stated himself to have been bred from childhood in the Catholic faith. (Conc. 4,304). His name is also written Calendio (Tillem. 15,579, Dic. Chris. Biog. 1, 395).

537 Athanasius of Perrha, the delator of earlier letters (vide note on page 264) had been deposed from his bishopric at a synod of uncertain date held between 444 and 449 at Antioch under Domnus, and replaced by Sabinianus.

538 (
Ga 6,7).

539 i.e. Maximus, who was appointed by the Latrocinium to succeed Domnus in the see of Antioch, and consecrated by Anatolius in defiance of right and usage. Or possibly the irregularity of the nomination of Maximus may lead Theodoret to regard the see as vacant. Garnerius understands the reference to be to an interval between the appointment and consecration of Maximus.

540 Vide Might Pat. 77,1449.

“A letter so admirable in tone and feeling, so happy in its expression, that it has been attributed to the practised pen of Theodoret.” (Canon Venables, Dict. Christ. Biog. 3,350). Tillemont describes it as “très belle, très bien faite et très digne de la rèputation qu’avait ce prèlat.”

541 This letter may be dated in February 431. Celestine and Cyril bad written to Jn of Antioch in relation to the condemnation of Nestorius by the western bishops at Rome in August 430. Theodoret was at Antioch on the arrival of these letters and hence additional probability is given to the theory that he wrote the reply referred to in the preceding note. Then came the publication of Cyril’s chapter or anathemas which Theodoret undertook to refute. Letter CL. is prefixed to his remarks on them.

704 542 The “old story” is a comparatively late addition to the myth of the marriage of Peleus).

543 (
Ga 6,16 Ga 6,

544 The Refutation of the anathematisrns of Cyril is to be found in Migne Pat. 76,Col 393. Vide also the prolegomena.

545 This document did not appear in the original edition of the Letters. A fragment in Latin was published in the Auctarium of Garnerius. The complete composition is given by Schulze from a ms. in the Imperial Library at Vienna. The date may be assigned as early in 431. As Cyril had weaned the monks of Egypt and even of Constantinople from the cause of Nestorius, so Theodoret attempts to win over the solitaries of the East from Cyril.

546 (Jr 4,19 Jr 4,

547 “Nihil contumeliosius,” remarks Garnerius, “in Cyrilli personam et doctrinam dici potest.” Some have even thought the expressions too bitter for Theodoret. But the mild man could hit hard sometimes. He felt warmly for Nestorius and against Cyril, and (accepting Tillemont’s date) he was now about 38.

548 oikonomia. Vide p. 72).

549 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

550 (Jn 1,1 Jn 1,

551 (Jn 1,9 Jn 1,

552 (Jn 14,9 Jn 14,

705 553 (Jn 10,30 Jn 10,

554 (Jn 10,38 transposed.

555 Hebrews 1,3.

556 (Ph 2,5, Ph 2,6, Ph ii. 7.

557 Romans 9,5.

558 (Tt 2,13 Tt 2,

559 (Is 9,6 Is 9, Is 9,

560 (Is 45,14, Isaiah 45,15.

561 (Mt 1,23).

562 Baruch 3,35, Baruch 3,36, Baruch 3,37. From the time of Irenaeus the book of Baruch, friend and companion of Jeremiah, was commonly quoted as the work of the great prophet. e.g. Iren. adv. Haer. 5,35, 1. cf. note on p. 165.

563 (Jn 7,19 and Jn 8,40 Jn 8,

706 564 (1Co 15,21 1Co 15,

565 (1Co 15,22 1Co 15,

566 1. Tim. 2,v.

567 (Ac 17,30, Ac 17,31 Ac 17,

568 (Ac 2,22 Ac 2,

569 (Is 53,3 and Isaiah 53,4.

570 Psalm 1,2.

571 (Ph 2,6 and Ph 2,7 Ph 2,

572 (Jn 12,27 Jn 12,

573 (Mt 26,38).

574 (Jn 10,18 varied.

707 575 (Mt 2,20 Mt 2,

576 Vide note on Page 203.

577 (Is 19,1 Is 19,

578 I1Co 13,4.

579 I1Co 13,4.

580 Psalm 107,16.

581 (Jn 2,19 Jn 2,

582 (Ga 3,16 Ga 3,

583 II. Tim. 2,8.

584 Romans 1,3.

585 Romans 9,5.

586 (Mt 1,1).

587 Acts. 2,30.

708 588 (Gn 22,18 Gn 22,

589 Here in the LXX comes in “The spirit of God.” It is unlikely that Theodoret should have intended to omit this, and the omission is probably due as in similar cases to the carelessness of a copyist in the case of a repetition of a word.

590 (Is 11,1 Is 11, Is 11,2 Is 11, xi. Is 3 Is 11,7 Is 11,

591 (Is 11,10 Is 11,

592 On the word Qeotoko" cf. note on Page 213.

Jeremy Taylor (ix. 637 ed. 1861) defends it on the bare ground of logic which no doubt originally recommended it. “Though the blessed virgin Mary be not in Scripture called Qeotoko" ‘the mother of God.0’ vet that she was the mother of S Jesus and that Jesus Christ is God, that we can prove from cripture, and that is sufficient for the appellation.”

593 (Lc 1,28 Lc 1,

594 Cleobulus of Lindos is credited with the maxim ariston metron. Theognis, (335) transmits the famous mhden agan attributed by Aristotle (Rhet. 2,12, 14) to Chilon of Sparta. Ovid makes Phoebus say to Phaethon “Medio tutissimus ibis” (Met. 2,137); and quotations tram many other writers may be found all

“Turning: to scorn with lips divine

The falsehood of extremes!”

595 (Jn 3,20 Jn 3,

709 596 (Jl 2,17 Jl 2,

597 Psalm lxxix. 4.

598 Cf. Ephes. 2,14.

599 Psalm 147,2.

600 (Jn 10,10 Jn 10,

601 (Jn 10,11 Jn 10,

602 Psalm 44,23.

603 Psalm 118,15.

604 Psalm 90,15.

605 Psalm 66,20.

606 (Jn 14,9 Jn 14,

710 607 (Jn 16,15 Jn 16,

608 (Jn 10,30 Jn 10,

609 (Jn 1,1 Jn 1,

610 (Ph 2,6 Ph 2, Ph 2,7 Ph 2,

611 (He 2,16 He 2,

612 (He 2,14).

613 (Jn 2,29 Jn 2,

614 (Lc 24,39 Lc 24,

615 (Jn 19,37 Jn 19, Zec. Jn 12,10 Jn 12,

616 I. Tim. 2,5. I. Tim. 2,6.

617 (Tt 2,13 Tt 2,

711 618 (Rm 9,5 Rm 9, first implicit denial of the sense here given by Theodoret to this remarkable passage is said to found in an assertion of the Emperor Julian that neither Paul nor Matthew nor Mc ever ventured to call Jesus God. In the early church it was commonly rendered in its plain and grammatical sense, as by Irenaeus, Tertullian, Athanasius, and Chrysostom. Cf. Alford in loc.

619 (Is 53,3 Is 53, Is 53,4 Is 53,

620 (Is 53,8 Is 53,

621 (Mt 2,6 and Mi 5,2 Mi 5,

622 Qeotoko". cf. p. 213).

623 (Mt 1,23 Mt 1,

624 (Is 9,6 Is 9, Alex.

625 (He 7,3 He 7,

626 (Mt 1,1 Mt 1,

627 (Lc 3,23 Lc 3,

628 (Ac 1,11 Ac 1,

712 629 The martyrdom of Ignatius may be placed within a few years of 110, — before or after. In the 4th c. Oct. 17 was named as the day both of his birth and death. Bp. Lightfoot. Ap. Fathers II. i. 30 and 46.

630 i.e. Eustathius of Beroea and Antioch, who, according to Theodoret (H. E. 1,6, p. 43)., sat at Nicaea on Constantine’s right hand. (Contra. I. Soz. 1,19). He was exiled on account of the accusation got up against him by Eusebius of Nicomedia.

631 Meletius of Antioch. cf. pp. 92, 93. He presided at Constantinople in 381, and died while the Council was sitting.

632 Of Constantinople, murdered at the Latrocinium.

633 Vide p. 129.

634 cf. Ep. LII. St. Cyprian was beheaded at Carthage, Aug. 13, 258, his last recorded utterance being his reply to the reading of the sentence “That Thascius Cvprianus be beheaded with the sword,” “Thanks be to God.” Theodoret’s “fire” is either an errors or means the fiery trial of martyrdom.

635 Vide p. 82.

636 cf. pp. 110, 174.

637 i.e. Gregory of Nazianzus, put in possession of St. Sophia by Theodosius I. Nov. 24, 380, Chrysostom, consecrated by The. ophilus of Alexandria, Feb. 26, 398; and Atticus, who succeed Arsacius the usurper in 406.

638 Gregory of Nyssa. cf. p. 129.

639 Of Iconium. cf. p. 114.

640 † 155.

641 † c. 202.

713 642 Commonly known as bishop of Patara, though Jerome speaks of him as of Tyre. The place and time of his death are doubtful. Eusebius calls him a contemporary. (cf. Jr Cat. 83, and Socr. vi. 13).

643 According to Döllinger the first anti-pope. cf. reff. p. 177).

644 Cyril’s party met on June 22, 431, — numbering 198, in the Church of the Virgin. John of Antioch with his fourteen sup. porters did not arrive till the 27th. Unable to start from their diocese before April 26, the octave of Easter, they did not assemble at Antioch till May 10, and then were delayed by a famine. Immediately on their arrival the “Conciliabulum” of the 43 anti-Cyrillians met with indecent precipitancy.

645 Both parties, regarding their opponents as excommunicate, forbade them to perform their sacred functions.

646 “Comes domesticorum” commander of the guards, was representative of Theodosius II. and Valentinian III. at Ephesus. Candidianus was at first disposed to demur to the condemnation of Nestorius as disorderly and irregular, and to side with the Orientals.

647 cf. p. 292.

648 (Is 59,5, lxx.

649 (
Is 59,6).

650 This Report, couched in almost identical terms with the preceding, I omit, although commonly accepted as the composition of Theodoret.

651 This is also merely a short summary of CLII. and CLIII.

652 Omitted as being a repetition of the preceding.

714 653 The Latin version of the title begins “Relatio orientalis conciliabuli.” So the rival and hurried gathering of the Easterns was styled. The following letter is a further justification of their action, and illustrates the readiness and ability, if not the temper and prudence, of the bishop of Cyrus, its probable author).

654 Written at the same time and under the same circumstances as the former, of which it is an abbreviation, and is consequently omitted.

655 Omitted as merely repeating the representation of CLVII.

656 This document defends the action of the conciliabulum, speaking of Cyril, in consequence of their depositions as “lately” bishop of Alexandria, and demanding the exile of Memnon.

657 This letter may be dated “towards the end of July or in the beginning of August 431, after the restitution of Cyril and Memnon on July 16, and before the departure of Theodoret from Ephesus on August 20.” Garnerius. Andrew of Samosata wrote objections to Cyril’s Chapters in the name of the bishops of the East. He was prevented by illness from being present at Ephesus in 431, as he was also from the synod assembled at Antioch in 444 to hear the cause of Athanasius of Perrha. He was a warm supporter of Nestorius.

This letter exists only in the Latin Version, and is to be found also in Mansi Collect. Conc. 9,293.

658 In Ep. CLXI, the numbers are specified;—“Of Egyptians fifty; of Asiani under Memnon, leader of the tyranny, forty; of the heretics in Pamphylia called Messalianitae, twelve; besides those attached to the same metropolitan” (i.e. Amphilochius of Side) “and others deposed and excommunicated in divers places by synods or bishops, who constitute nothing but a mere turbulent and disorderly mob, entirely ignorant of the divine decrees.”

659 Another version of the title runs “To the very holy and wise synod assembled at Ephesus, Joannes, Paulus, Apringius, Theodoretus, greeting.” The letter may be dated in Sept. 431. Paul, bishop of Emesa, was ultimately an active peacemaker in the dispute. Apringius was bishop of Chalcis.

It only exists in the Latin.

660 The Macedonian name for September.

661 A villa in the vicinity of Chalcedon.

715 662 Metropolitan of Nicomedia; one of the “Conciliabulum.”

663 Also only in Latin.

664 Bishop of Melitene in Armenia Secunda, an ardent anti-Nestorian, who remonstrated with Cyril for consenting to make peace with the Orientals).

665 Only in Latin).

666 i.e. Maximianus, in succession to Nestorius, Oct. 25, 431.

667 Nestorius was permitted to return to his old monastery at Antioch).

668 I. Tim. 6,13.

669 Ez. 3,18).

670 Acts. 20,26.

671 Dated by Garnerius at the end of September or beginning of October 431, before the order had been given for the withdrawal of the Easterns and the entry of the other party to consecrate a bishop.

672 cf. II. Tim. 4,1.

716 673 (Ph 2,21 Ph 2,

674 i.e. Nestorius).

675 After pointing out that superscription, style, expression, sentiments, and circumstances all indicate Theodoret as the writer of this letter, Garnerius proceeds “The objection of Baronius that mention is made of Martinus, bishop of Milan, when there never was a Martinus bishop of Milan, is not of great importance. Theodoret at a distance might easily write Martinus for Martinianus, or a copyist might abbreviate the name to this form.” The date of the letter is marked as after the order to the bishops to remain at Constantinople, and before permission was given them to return home. The Letters were also written to Martinianus of Milan, to Jn Ravenna, and to Jn of Aquileia, but only that to Rufus is extant. Rufus is probably the bishop of Thessalonica.

676 (Ps 14,3).

677 (Mt 18,18 Mt 18,

678 (Jn 1,14 Jn 1,

679 (Ps 22,1 Ps 22,

680 (Mt 26,39 Mt 26,

681 (Jn 12,27 Jn 12,

682 (Mt 26,38 Mt 26,

683 Vide note on superscription.

717 684 cf. note on p. 114. Celestius, an Irishman of good family, was associated with Pelagius at Rome. Both were condemned at Ephesus in 431. The connexion of Pelagius with the Euchitae may be suggested by the denial of the former of original sin anti the depreciation by the latter of baptism as producing no results).

685 This Letter appears to be that of the Euphratensian synod. (“probat prmum haec vox en koinw, in conventu: deinde pluralis numerus ubique positus.” Garnerius).

Garnerius would date it during the negotiations for reconciliation, when Jn of Antioch visited Acacius at Beroea, after the Orientals had accepted Cyril’s formula of faith. Schulze would rather place it after the negotiations were over.

686 Presumably the letter written by Cyril to Acacius, setting forth his own view, and representing that peace might be attained if the Orientals would give up Nestorius. It exists in Latin. Synod. Mansi, V. 831.

687 Vide p. 279. Note.

688 The following paragraph, found only in the Vatican ms., and described by Schulze as “inept,” is omitted. It has no significance.

689 Of this letter the Greek copies have perished. Three Latin versions exist.

(i) In Synod c. 120. Mens. v 898.

(ii) In synodi quntoe collatione. Mans. IX. 294.

(iii) A version of Marius Mercator from the Recension of Garnerius. The two latter are both given in Migne, Theod. IV. 486. The translation given follows the former of these two. The date appears to be not long after the receipt by Theodoret of the Chapters of Cyril.

690 cf. p. 307).

Fathers' Historical writings 687